Farhad Ramezani; Maryam Ghasemi
Abstract
he purpose of the present study is to identify the factors hindering the economic development of border villages of the country with emphasis on Torbat-e Jam city. The research method is descriptive-analytical and it is applied-developmental. Data gathering was done through documentary and field method ...
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he purpose of the present study is to identify the factors hindering the economic development of border villages of the country with emphasis on Torbat-e Jam city. The research method is descriptive-analytical and it is applied-developmental. Data gathering was done through documentary and field method using questionnaire. The statistical population of the border villages of Torbat-e Jam city and the sample size was 264 households in 17 border villages located 10 km from the Iran-Afghanistan border. The results of exploratory factor analysis show that the most important impediments to economic development of border villages of Torbat-e-Jam city are: “Security challenges in border villages” with 22.47, “Drought and water shortages in border villages” with 14/27, "Unemployment and low incomes of border village residents" with 12/18, "Lack of adequate investment in the border areas" with 8/26, "Poor performance of trustees in border areas" with 7/49, "Weak infrastructure in border villages with 5.88", "Non-native border managers and officials" with 4.80, "Weak roads and transportation facilities" with 4.15, " DISI product marketing residents in border areas "to 81/3" communication with the cross-border areas "by 62/3 percent of variance explained.
Morad Kavianirad; Reyhaneh Salehabadi; zakeyeh Aftabi
Abstract
The limitation of shared water resources has led to a range of different patterns from cooperation to conflict, which are explored in the from of hydropolitical knowledge . however, various aspects of hydropolitics have been the focus of scholars in various aspects of hydropolitics have been the focus ...
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The limitation of shared water resources has led to a range of different patterns from cooperation to conflict, which are explored in the from of hydropolitical knowledge . however, various aspects of hydropolitics have been the focus of scholars in various aspects of hydropolitics have been the focus of scholars in various sciences, including political geography.To the extend that many of these experts have studied hydroplitics and its constituent dimenisions in different ways. The purpose of this paper, which is fundamental in nature, is to provide a paradigm model of hydropolitics based on the Grand Theory method has been qualitative, with refrence to 14 experts, internal and external sources and using the libarary method. samples were selected through purposive sampling.The obtained data were coded and analyzed using Grand Theory method. The result shows that in hydropolitics, the underlying factors fall into fifty central categories and five main categories: geopolitics, geoculture, geoeconomics, thechnopolitics, and politics.causal factors in hydropolitics were identified in 27 central categories and three main categories, as follows:1.community culture 2. Location and geographical status3. Infrastructural and fundamental. Strategic factors in 57 central categories and three main categories: formulation of educational and research strategies, strategic insight and formulation of mission and macro goals and the consequences of hydropolitics in 58 center categories and six main categories as follow: political-legal, socio- cultural, military- security, ecmomic and environmental factors, case Attention are.
Danyal Rezapoor; Reza Simbar; Ahmad Jansiz
Abstract
With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European ...
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With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European Union to the East was aimed at limiting the regional influence of Russia and China. As a result, Ukraine and the South Sea of China have also led to a conflict zone between Russia, China and Western actors over regional influence and even a factor in the disagreement between the United States and the European Union, which is the basis for intensifying tensions and increasing Uncertainty has been created in the Greater Eurasia region. By stating this introduction, the authors suggest that their main question is that the tensions and geopolitical disputes between the United States, the European Union and Russia over the Ukrainian crisis, and the US-China differences with China in the South China Sea and the failure of the European Union with hegemony On the multilateral relations of these countries? The hypothesis of the article is that the disagreements and tensions between the European Union, the United States, Russia and the hegemonic demands in the Ukrainian crisis, the intensification of US-China divisions, and the political, economic cooperation of the EU with the two countries Russia and China, while weakening the European Union's security relations with the United States, have provided the ground for transition from a monopoly to a multi-polar system. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting library and virtual information
Yashar Zaki; Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf; Marjan Badiee Azandahi; Seyed Rahmatallah Mousavifar; Seyyed Mohammad Moghimi
Abstract
Introduction: Geographic factors make the political organization of space geographically. Each factor at any geographical scale, due to the level of power and to the extent that it utilizes various instruments appropriate to the level of sovereignty and power, leads to the political organization of space. ...
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Introduction: Geographic factors make the political organization of space geographically. Each factor at any geographical scale, due to the level of power and to the extent that it utilizes various instruments appropriate to the level of sovereignty and power, leads to the political organization of space. The global action circle represents the world's largest geographic scale. The question raised is how the global system, through which mechanisms and processes at the global level, makes political organization of space.Methodology: The research methodology of the present paper is based on the qualitative method and on the principles of analysis-explanation.Result and discussion: The global system, through structural and non-structural elements, leads to the political organization of space. Power is the driving force behind the global system for achieving its goals. The global system creates and strengthens the structural power of institutions and organizations. Institutions and organizations produce the rules and norms they need globally. All political units are required to observe the laws and regulations of the world system and, in the event of non-compliance of political units and countries, these rules are faced with the violent power of global powers. Through discourse, global powers differentiate themselves from countries that they dislike for the global order and punish them through violent power or sanctions.Conclusion: In the end, global powers, with the backing of institutions, laws, regulations, norms and production discourses, legitimize their actions on the global stage.
Abdalsaheb Naderi; Reza Tajfar; Nasrin Khaniha
Abstract
Borders and especially the development of border settlements in each country are important in different dimensions and are considered as factors of durability and consistency of each country. This is important considering the geopolitical position and geoculture of Iran and especially despite the natural ...
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Borders and especially the development of border settlements in each country are important in different dimensions and are considered as factors of durability and consistency of each country. This is important considering the geopolitical position and geoculture of Iran and especially despite the natural resources in most border provinces. Increases the geo-economic and strategic importance of these regions and emphasizes the responsibility of the Iranian government and system to reflect more and more to pay attention to comprehensive development in these provinces. For example, we can mention the provinces of Kermanshah, Ilam, Khuzestan, Bushehr, Hormozgan, etc., which include a wide area from the west to the south of the country. Ilam province, which is one of the provinces with the highest fossil energy reserves in the country, is affected by its geographical position as a deprived, underdeveloped and underdeveloped province, while one of the ways out of this province from economic crises and Lack of development, management and use of fossil fuels. In this regard, the present study has investigated and evaluated the effectiveness of the use of fossil fuels in the development of cities in Ilam province using descriptive-analytical and applied methods. The results showed that in this field, Malekshahi city with 17.16%, Dehloran city with 74.12%, Sirvan city with 3.11% and Ilam and Ivan cities each with 8.10% are among the cities that The development of fossil fuels in their area and province can have the greatest impact on the development of these cities.Keywords: Fossil energy, Development, Border provinces, Iran, Ilam province.
golmohammadi vali; Amir Hossein Vazirian
Abstract
Amidst the systematic shift in a global context and decline in the U.S hegemony in particular, the Middle East is in a transition from a post-Cold War American order to some kind of multilateral (dis)order, where has left more room for regional powers outmaneuvering in the changing regional geopolitics. ...
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Amidst the systematic shift in a global context and decline in the U.S hegemony in particular, the Middle East is in a transition from a post-Cold War American order to some kind of multilateral (dis)order, where has left more room for regional powers outmaneuvering in the changing regional geopolitics. In this context, Iran as a revolutionary and revisionist state has sought to challenge the liberal international order and maximize its regional influence by adopting an asymmetric strategy. In contrast, the U.S along with its regional allies has pursued the policy of maximum pressure in order to change the regional balance of power against Iran. However, the US containment strategy has not been able to undermine Iran's active regional role playing. The main question is what strategy has Iran used to maintain its position and power in the face of maximum pressure from the United States and its regional allies, and to have increasing influence? The hypothesis of this paper is that in the face of maximum pressure from the United States, the Islamic Republic of Iran has chosen the policy of Anti-containment as its main strategy. The policy, implemented through "asymmetric deterrence", has been implemented in three forms: the use of proxy groups, missile capability enhancement and naval deterrence. It is necessary to mention that this research will examine the research hypothesis in the form of descriptive-analytical method
