abdolvahab khojamli; Zahra Ahmadypour; Mohammadreza Hafeznia; Mohammadreza Pourjafar
Abstract
Extended abstract
1. Introduction
The current paper is intended to explain geopolitics of urban landscape, and also to present a theoretical model. The relation between politics and power and urban semiotics system in geographic spaces and in particular in urban spaces forms geopolitics of urban landscape. ...
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Extended abstract
1. Introduction
The current paper is intended to explain geopolitics of urban landscape, and also to present a theoretical model. The relation between politics and power and urban semiotics system in geographic spaces and in particular in urban spaces forms geopolitics of urban landscape. The paper presents new approaches to the scholars of urban geopolitics and urban political geography.
2. Theoretical Framework
The paper is intended to present a theoretical framework to study geopolitics of landscape regarding the relation between politics and power and urban semiotic system and dominant political, social and economic discourses. When a landscape would be called a geopolitical urban landscape? What kind of processes and factors has geopolitics of urban landscape? What are the levels of formation of urban semiotic system and how they are affected by different factors? What are the general and political functions of urban semiotic system, and what kind of criteria forms them? What are the benefits and deficiencies of the symbols? And finally what is the impact of these relations on urban semiotic system and urban space discourses?
3. Methodology
The research is basic in terms of its goal, and casual and descriptive- analytic in terms of method and nature. The data gathering procedure is based on the library findings. Data analysis and conclusion will be done using the qualitative research method.
4. Results & Discussion
Landscape, similarly to language, can operate as a representational system – signs, places and icons can be read and interpreted as geosymbols or icons. Power over landscape is usually visualized in the most picturesque, stable, perceptible and spectacular ways. Ruling over landscape, both forms, function, and particularly meanings, becomes one of the priorities of power, especially of those, whose legitimacy is or can be somehow challenged. The need to show his or her rights, authority, control, as well as supermacy and prerogatives is tremendous and typically materialized in grand culttural landscape projects. Those project usually expound not only political and economic powers, but also, and often above any other, the cultueral dominance of new leaders and discourses. The messages coded in cultural landscape are typically very clearly readable for most of society, and are frequently enhanced by heavily marketed texts.
The function of power and politics in urban semiotic system paves the way to expalin geopolitics of landscape. Policies of different groups in urban spaces are affected by their power. Their power in urban spaces is emanated from different urban semiotics systems that gained from local, national and supra-national levels and has political, social, economic and historical facets. Different groups haves different potentials to take the advanteges of the levels and facets regarding their ideologic background and the level of mitigation of their interests with the dominant ideology. Also, their freedom in using the symbols and change in urban semiotics systems depends on players of power and their respected institutions.
Urban icons and symbols are a part of urban players tools to create discources in accordance with their interests. Urban players act in the frame of their discources and the stronger discources, the effective functions. Hisorical and ideologic background, institutions, social and cutural characteristics, groups’ interests and their discourses set the criteria to change in urban semiotic system and urban symbols; the changes that are realized in the froms of destructions or construction of symbols, omition or disclusion of symbols and relocation and change in their functions. All of the processes are done in order to improve the function of urban semiotic system and urban symbols or to reform their functions and alleviate abnormalities.
5. Conclusions & Suggestions
Actions and reactions, factors and structures in urban spaces create an area of power relations such as cooperation, interaction, rivalry and disputation that the occupation of desired spaces to settle the respected icons or display the symbols of their discources are claimed in urban spaces that results in “the war of icons” between different players who have contradictory interests. This causes an area of power relations which is the result of mutual relation between urban semiotics systems and the political actors that forms geopolitics of landscape.
So, geopolitics of landscape is a process that based on it the dominant discourse creates different landscapes to control and manage urban spaces in line with its political and geopolitical order, and competition to control urban spaces is subordinated to relation between power, politics and space. Geopolitics of landscape studies the process of image making by urban players, the management of urban relations, urban space bordering, the relation between the state and non-governmental institutions.
Seyed javad Mosavi; seyed hadi zarghani; hadi azami
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Science and technology play a geopolitical role in the global geography of power which is called the power of science and technology. In this regard, statesmen emphasize on science and technology as a key source for the promotion of geopolitical prestige as well as ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Science and technology play a geopolitical role in the global geography of power which is called the power of science and technology. In this regard, statesmen emphasize on science and technology as a key source for the promotion of geopolitical prestige as well as a fundamental tool for improving their people’s standard of living. In other words, science and technology are not only considered as one of the main factors of national power, but also play fundamental role in strengthening other dimensions of national power such as economic, military, territorial, political, cultural power, and so on. Therefore, the study of indicators and variables demonstrating the power of science and technology is very important in terms of evaluating the scientific and technological power of countries and comparing them to each other, as well as analyzing the function and influence of scientific and technological power on other dimensions of national power, such as territorial, military, political, economic, cultural dimension, and so on. This study intends to explore and recognize the most important variables and indicators shaping the scientific and technological power of countries and describe it in a conceptual model.
2. Theoretical Framework
Although power is one of the terms that there is no general consensus about its meaning, it can be defined simply as the dominant ability of the individual, society and government over the opinions and actions of others. However, this phenomenon has the special place in the political geography literature, particularly in geopolitics. The scholars in geopolitics and international relations fields along with the statesmen have always concerned about the components and factors of national power and actually indicators can accurately reflect the nature of national power. Generally, national power is considered as a combination of the material and spiritual capacities of a country. More precisely, the national power of countries is arisen from the diverse sources such as land and geography space, human resources, military, scientific and cultural capabilities. Meanwhile, science and technology in the opinion of most scholars is one of the main components of national power. In this framework, if science, on its general concept, refers to any kind of consciousness about objects, phenomena and relationships; and technology is defined as the systematic use of scientific information and other systematic consciousness for practical purposes; and also, innovation is considered as the equivalent of putting creative ideas into a new product or service, power of science and technology will be defined as a power of human which is appeared by the ability for knowledge generation, knowledge application, innovation and skilled human resource training. Obviously, variables and indicators of scientific and technological power have a fundamental impact on other dimensions of power such as economic, military, territorial, political, and social power.
3. Methodology
This study has been carried out with the reference to materials of library and fieldworks in descriptive-analytical method. First, in the library step, the most important variables and indicators influencing on scientific and technological power of countries in 102 indicators was gathered referring to reliable sources. In the next step, these indicators were classified in terms of their nature and function in six factors including human resources, financial and economic factors, mediator, information and communication technology (ICT), academic output and performance in strategic sciences. Then, in fieldwork part, the importance of the indicators of each factor, as well as the prioritization of the six factors of the scientific and technological power were determined in fieldwork approach and a questionnaire was prepared by domestic and foreign experts. Accordingly, a researcher-made questionnaire consisted of 108 questions was designed in both Farsi and English based on the Likert scale. Then, regarding the interdisciplinary nature of the research, professors and experts in various fields of political geography, international relations, science and technology policy, economics with an emphasis on economic development, strategic management, management and strategic planning were asked to fill out the questionnaire. Finally, more than 300 questionnaires were provided to internal and external experts and field analysis was based on the filled out questionnaires.
4. Findings and Discussion
The results of this research in two parts of the library and fieldwork show that the phenomenon of the power of science and technology, like national power, has a mixed nature; in other words, since this concept is influenced by the various fields including human resources, financial resources and information technology, it requires a combination of operational indicators to define itself and consequently, assess the power of science and technology. Accordingly, the combinative model of the power of science and technology is proposed as the result of research in the form of six conceptual factors on the priority importance order (economic factors, human resources, scientific output and innovation, information technology, performance in strategic sciences and mediator) with 44 operating indicators.
Mohsen Khalili; Sedigheh Hashemi
Abstract
Extended abstract
1. Introduction
The international coalition’s strike on Afghanistan in 2001 led to the fall of Taliban. In the Bonn conference (December 2001), it was approved to provide the background for ratifying Afghanistan’s new constitution, after organizing an urgent Loya Jirga (grand ...
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Extended abstract
1. Introduction
The international coalition’s strike on Afghanistan in 2001 led to the fall of Taliban. In the Bonn conference (December 2001), it was approved to provide the background for ratifying Afghanistan’s new constitution, after organizing an urgent Loya Jirga (grand assembly) and determining the transitional government. One of the most important actions taken following the urgent Loya Jirga in 2002 was forming a commission to draft the constitution. In general, the basic laws in constitution are formed through the consequences of a set of events: a) the gradual development of societies and the governors and civilian’s mental preparations; b) the formation of new countries; c) transformative events such as revolutions, coups and civil wars. In the latter, such countries lay out a new constitution to reorganize the nation, after the conclusion of a crisis. The formation of the new constitution in Afghanistan occurred in the same manner.
One of the components of constitutional laws is the legal form of the government in terms of internal and territorial structure, i.e. whether the physical structure of the country is simple or complex. Federal systems are a form of complex states. During the codification of the new constitution in Afghanistan, the subject of federalization of the country became the source of several reactions, for or against the decision. It seemed as if Afghanistan had a number of the necessary backgrounds for selecting the federalist method of governing; a disparate country in terms of ethnicity, race, language and religion which has been under threat. Such an approach have brought about ethnic abuses from the past to present. Perhaps federalism could have been a proper solution for resolving issues. As a result of the presence of such backgrounds, some of the elites suggested the implementation of a federal system as the commission started drafting the constitution in 2003, which led to several stances, in favor of the suggestion or rejecting it. Despite the presence of proper substrates for federalism in Afghanistan, it was not accepted in the negotiations and meetings of the experts concerning the multiple stages of codifying the constitution; consequently, the political system of Afghanistan in the new constitution remained as a unitary and simple state. The present study is aimed at obtaining the reasons behind the rejection of federalism in the codification process of Afghanistan’s constitution in 2003.
2. Theoretical Framework
Constitution is a legal document representing the public will, which states certain rules concerning the form of the government, structure of the state, authorities of governing institutions, public rights and the nation’s freedom. The government of a federal country, consists of numerous units with certain social, political, administrative and geographical identities which becomes a complex state through unity among such components. In federalism, the constitution places international functions under the exclusive authority of the central government and considers the member states subject to domestic and inevitable rights in the whole federal society. Federalism is a way of government granting partial independence to geographical divisions. Federalism can be considered as a set of ideologies, values and insights which represent a philosophy based on preserving unity in diversity. The existence of inhabitants with a variety of races, religions and languages, each bearing a history of its own, cause federalism to allow minorities govern themselves in compliance with their habits and customs extensively. Considering the fact that the policies set by the government in a multiethnic community can bring about ethnic violence in the society, some suggest a federal system as a solution for problems of this nature; they believe that through the division of power and governance, the ethnic leaders and elites’ desire for power is satisfied while the central power is no longer the only unit of governance. One of the shortcomings of federalism is the risk concerning territorial division; when loyalty to the state government reaches a point where it leads to independence from the federal state, disinterest toward such entity and the emergence of sustainable boundaries among states through racial, national, and lingual interests. In this case, due to disagreements between the state and the federal government, people would assemble under the state’s banner, putting the federal government at risk as a result. A number of reasons expressed by anti-federalists include: inefficiency (federalism cause confusion and errors in carrying out the common affairs among states), tyranny (there is a tendency to pressure minorities in local governments), higher financial costs (the financial costs of a federal government may be more than savings), reduction of the central government’s power in pursuing national purposes, decline in the possibility of distributing wealth among regions.
3. Method
Data collection was carried out according to library studies and analyzed via attributive explanation based on surveys. The hypotheses were obtained following the initial and basic studies of texts and primary accessible resources on the negotiations during the codification of the eighth constitution by the representatives along with the opinions of experts in the areas of community and policies at the same period. Then, it was attempted to analyze the major reasons for the rejection of federalism in Afghanistan’s new constitution (in the form of a compound device containing four hypotheses pursuing a single purpose). In the beginning, the research pathway was passed from texts to hypotheses and vice versa. After attaining the whole existing comments during the codification period of the constitution in disagreement with organizing a federal system in the country, it was attempted to enumerate and weigh each hypothesis. The number of the obtained comments related to each hypothesis, enumeration and the reasons for the non-acceptability of federalism were rated.
4. Findings
Employing a document analysis approach according to surveys, the authors concluded that the most important reasons for rejecting federalism during the codification of the new constitution include the possibility of division in the country, the present economic gap among states, the possibility of increasing interference by the neighbors, and the low literacy and political insecurity of the people, respectively.
Fatemeh Mirahmdariadi; Yashar Zaki
Abstract
Extended abstract
1. Introduction
Post-modernism is amongst those paradigms that has recently penetrated into many fields with its theoretical innovations and critical streams. As an academic field of study, political geography has been undoubtedly influenced by this movement. Within the field of political ...
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Extended abstract
1. Introduction
Post-modernism is amongst those paradigms that has recently penetrated into many fields with its theoretical innovations and critical streams. As an academic field of study, political geography has been undoubtedly influenced by this movement. Within the field of political geography, ostmodernism has mostly affected geopolitics, shaking most of its basic assumptions which has, accordingly, made a fundamental re-conceptualization essential. By reviewing the intellectual and philosophical foundation of postmodern geopolitics, the present article attempts to determine what topics are included in the study of postmodern geopolitics.
2. Methodology
This study is of theoretical-fundamental type with a descriptive-analytic research methodology. Given the nature of selected subject matter, required information was collected through library and internet research, meaning that the data were extracted from books and articles and then classified for more qualitative analysis.
3. Results and Discussion
In order to understand the nature of postmodern geopolitics, one should first know its intellectual and philosophical foundation. Postmodern topics within the field of political geography and geopolitics have been influenced by general postmodern discussions in social sciences as well as human geography itself. “Post-modernism”, in general, refers to some criticisms related to the project of modernism and also a break from it; and stands as a rebellion against the modern rationality and modernist epistemology. It is difficult to write about postmodernism or postmodern turn; because it is almost impossible to find an uncontroversial definition for the word ‘postmodern’. Nonetheless, there are two general perceptions of postmodernism. First, the perception of postmodernism in a linguistic-cultural-philosophical context based on which postmodernism, more than anything, is the rejection of grand narratives and epistemologies of modernity. This understanding of postmodernism, which has gradually been intermingled with post-structuralist, post-colonialist, and feminist views, is determined by deconstructive, textual-lingual, and discourse approaches and is often considered as skeptic to metanarratives. The second perception of postmodernism deals with changes of the world itself and provides necessary cognitive tools for exploring these changes. Such changes as globalization of many economic processes, technology revolution, spatial dissemination of certain consumption models, fragmentation of cultures, emergence of myriad political and cultural issues, victory of flexible accumulation regime in capitalism, and debilitation of governments’ sovereignty are considered as the closure of one era and emergence of a new ‘postmodern’ society and culture. Postmodernity, in this understanding, is deemed to be a new stage in the development of capitalism and a production of the change of global capitalism. Thus, postmodernism examines the changes created under the influence of global capitalism change.
4. Conclusion
There is no general consensus regarding the “postmodern geopolitics”. However, two general routes can be recognized in postmodern geopolitics; first, skepticism towards metanarratives; and second, studying the consequences of undermining the modern geopolitical imagination. In the former approach to postmodern geopolitics, resulting from perception of postmodern in a cultural-linguistic-philosophical context, geopolitics is deconstructed. Accordingly, classical geopolitical theories are considered as metanarratives and discourses within them the reality are produced and phenomena have become meaningful. These theories as a kind of language game, shaped by theorists in the light of a specific discourse in a specific period of time, are skepticized and deconstructed. Therefore, postmodern geopolitics haunts the reality beyond discourses and metanarratives and is interpreted as the negation of essentialism, foundationalism and certainty in geopolitics. This approach has been intermingled with and absorbed into post-structuralist, post-colonialist and feminist views. The second understanding of postmodern geopolitics deals with studying the consequences of undermining the modern geopolitical imagination and recent phase of capitalism development. In that regard, in their geopolitical analyses, political geographers address such issues as: space of streams and deterritorialization due to time-space compression and its consequences for geopolitical analyses, governance crisis, importance of time factor and such topics as infopolitics and chronopolitics, importance of scale factor and internal continuity of spatial scales instead of focusing on the unique and singular scale, collapse of expectations of enlightenment and its consequences for such issues as meaning and objective of nation-state, established territorialization and technical-scientific advance within a fixed international order, and postmodern spaces.
Mohammad Ghanbari; Mohammad Ajzae Shokuhi; Mohammad Rahim Rahnama; Omid Ali Kharazmi
Abstract
Extended abstract
1. Introduction
Today different approaches are proposed and used for solving the current issues and problems in cities, some of which are livability, smart city, ideal city, resilient city, child-friendly city, age-friendly city, city of learning, creative city and secure city. Multiple ...
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Extended abstract
1. Introduction
Today different approaches are proposed and used for solving the current issues and problems in cities, some of which are livability, smart city, ideal city, resilient city, child-friendly city, age-friendly city, city of learning, creative city and secure city. Multiple factors affect the livability of a place, of which the presence of people, mixed use, housing, safety and security, sense of belonging, efficiency and the environment can be noted. The crime rate (real) and fear of crime (perceived) has a causal relationship with many of health and wellbeing outcomes. Livability refers to the degree of satisfying society's needs based on the needs and capacities of the people of that society. A livable city is not just satisfaction of physical needs, but its main purpose is giving the feeling of satisfaction with the city to citizens. Mashhad city as the second most populous and the largest religious city of Iran hosts large number of domestic and foreign pilgrims annually. Certainly, the existence of good conditions for urban livability is extremely important, especially in terms of environment. The main goal of this research is the analysis of urban livability with emphasis on security and stability indicator in Mashhad metropolis.
2. Methodology
The research method of this research is practical in terms of goal, and is descriptive – analytical in terms of methodology. Due to the nature of this research, indicators related to the security and stability and existence of objective and subjective information, Arc GIS and SPSS software were used for analyzing of data. Indicators examined in this research included 8 indicators (the crime rate of murder, drugs, theft, forgery, group conflict, social evils, financial crimes, crime ratio per person and subjective indicator). Finally, prioritization of different areas of Mashhad city in terms of livability was determined by using multi criteria decision making methods (VIKOR and Entropy models). The population of Mashhad metropolis, with an area of 288,664,457 square meters, was 2,766,258 in 2011 which live in 13 zones.
3. Results and Discussion
There were 27 police stations in Mashhad metropolis in 2012. From the total 27 current police stations in the city of Mashhad, a number of 25 police stations are active and two are inactive. Among these 25 active police stations, operating radius of 2 police stations of passenger terminal and airport is limited to the same areas. The majority of police stations are distributed in the center and east of Mashhad city, while their distribution in the western part of the city is significantly lower than other areas. This issue is remarkable with regard to the formation of the primary core of Mashhad city and its growth to west direction in recent decades, because western zones of Mashhad city have lower population than the eastern zone of the city. Based on the information recorded in these police stations, the crime rate of murder, drugs, theft, forgery, group conflict, social evils, financial crimes and crime ratio per person were investigated. Then, using the GIS Software, maps related to the status of each of these sub-indicators based on the limits of Mashhad metropolis's zones were drawn. For mental indicator, which includes 7 questions, a questionnaire was used for a sample size of 402 persons in all zones of Mashhad. In terms of crime ratio to person, zones 2 and 9 with the lowest ratio have the best position compared to other zones. Furthermore, zones Samen, 12 and 5 with the highest ratio to person have the worst position compared to other zones. The total average of questions related to mental indicator of security and stability in Mashhad city was equal to 3.51. After studying the average of security and stability mental indicator questions, it can be said that zone 11 with the average of 4.06 and zone 4 with the average of 2.72 are the best and worst zones in this indicator, respectively.
4. Conclusion
The zone 11 of Mashhad metropolis is the best zone in terms of security and stability indicator, followed by zones 10 and 9, respectively. By contrast, zones 3, 4 and 6 had the worst conditions in terms of environmental indicator, respectively. Zones 11, 10 and 9 were at ideal level. None of the zones of Mashhad metropolis were at good level. Considering that zones 1 and 12 have 0.486 and 0.437 score respectively, they are placed in the average level. Also zones 8, 7 and 2 are placed in the bad level. Since the final scores of zones 5, 13, 6, 4, and 3 are between 1 and 0.8, these zones are ranked at critical level in terms of security and stability indicator in Mashhad metropolis. In other words, about 40% of Mashhad's zones are at security and stability critical level with respect to the urban livability.
Mostafa Rashidi; Abass Alipour; Ruhollah Hosseinvand Shokri; Mostafa Saeedzadeh
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The political divisions of a country is the political and managerial forms of the national space. Actually, the national administrative divisions determine the position of each part of the terrestrial plane in the spatial structure of the country. Therefore, the administrative ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The political divisions of a country is the political and managerial forms of the national space. Actually, the national administrative divisions determine the position of each part of the terrestrial plane in the spatial structure of the country. Therefore, the administrative divisions should be adjusted and set according to the principles and frameworks of the geographic objectivity for optimal efficiency which is leading to provide a strategic geographic model based on the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. This focus on the geographical logic in drawing the political boundaries of the interior is based on the view of organizing and aligning the territory at the national, regional and local level. In this regard, one of the important issues that has never been addressed in Iran's development plans is the issue of regionalization and political divisions of space as a framework for territorial planning. Failure to pay attention to this fundamental geographical and political reality is resulted from the weakness of the theoretical foundation as well as the operational structure of development plans in the country. Therefore, the upright and realistic administrative divisions require the generation of theoretical and scientific frameworks based on concepts and geopolitical scales at the local, national, and even transnational level in order to achieve an effective operational and practical structure in the planning of sustainable development subject to the national space. On the other hand, the lack of special attention to the political organization of special planning and administrative divisions also have brought smaller importance of about territorial affairs, and consequently the weakness of the administrative divisions. So that the present paper tends to address the geopolitical pathology of administrative divisions in Iran based upon the geographic logic and realities with the approach of organizing and aligning the land. The basic question of this research is: What are the weaknesses of the administrative divisions in terms of geography and land use? How is its geopolitical consequences and obstacles in the country?
2. Theoretical Framework
The main method of study in geography is combinational. It means that geographers for the recognition and zoning of the area (two major fields of geographic studies) are obliged to study and identify all the features and phenomena in place. Through this study, geographers are enabled to simultaneously recognize the "synoptic" of the all features of the place, and also determine typical feature of the dominant phenomena. Therefore, the recognition of the structural components, elements, and factors that are effective in the environment is a prerequisite and precondition for any thoughtful movement of human beings to carry out a management on the environment. Geography is the science and art of the constructive engagement with the environment and geographical space along with a sagacious management, in order to meet both human requirements and the sustainability of environment leading to achieve a sustainable interaction with geographical space. The result would be the development of humanity along with the environmental sustainability. The relationship between spatial planning and geography can show different implication. Accordingly, geography can be used to explain the type of settlement, population distribution, and activity in the land issues, while the Spatial Planning would be to consider the relationship between these elements. In geography and Spatial Planning, there are three basic elements to be studied: human, space, and activity. In any case, the undeniable subject is the high and sever relationship between "geography" and "Spatial Planning". In other words, it could be stated that geography the most scientifically-based Spatial Planning, and the "Spatial Planning" is the most geographical form of planning.
In political geography or geopolitics, in order to observe geographical logic, it is necessary to pay attention to the planning of land in different stages. Political geography or geopolitics, which studies from boundary and zoning to political behaviors and practices in geographic spaces, requires fulfilment of the geography rules and Spatial Planning concepts. One of the requirements of geopolitics is to consider the realties of the geographic boundaries and zoning, the political divisions, and in general, the political organization of the space, that leads this branch of geographic sciences to the rules and principles of fulfillment of Spatial Planning.
In order to realize the desirable organization of space and to design and operationalize the logical divisions of the country's space on national and local scales, the performance should be on the basis of geopolitical knowledge of space and Spatial Planning. This means the integration of geopolitics and the Spatial Planning as two areas of geographic sciences in order to achieve a political organization of the space which is suitable and favorable for administrative divisions. The focus of this paper is, therefore, on the geopolitical pathology of administrative divisions in Iran, which have been payed no attention to integrate the geopolitics and Spatial Planning issues into the administrative divisions.
3. Methodology
Since this article tends to provide an analysis of the relationship between Spatial Planning and administrative divisions as well as address the pathology of national divisions in terms of Spatial Planning, it is considered as a developmental research which gives its practical value for relevant organizations, and it is an applied research as well. This research is also scribed in a descriptive analytical manner. Data are also collected in a library and documentary manner, and also with reference to reputable online databases such as the Provincial Council and the Ministry of the Interior Affairs.
4. Findings and Discussion
One of the considerable issues regarding country's territorial planning in Iran is the lack of attention to the principles and realities of geography in the country's political divisions. Lack of paying attention to this important issue has led to the formation of a political division not according to the geographical realities and principals. This inconsistency was shaped by the land planning in the modern epoch of the arrival of Pahlavi, and in particular from 1937 onwards. Consequently, in the findings section of the research the authors consider the inconsistency of the current Iranian divisions with regard to the geographical divisions (both natural and human), as well as the lack of attention to the structural factors in the political organization of space and national divisions, including shape, extent, and unbalanced establishment of provincial centers to conclude that the weaknesses and problems in this area directly affects the development, security, and spatial distribution of the country in a negative way.
amir fathi; mohammad mirehii; Keramatollah Zayyari; Abbas Alipoure; Mostafa Hashemi
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Recently, inequalities are the fundamental problems for human society, as they are discussed in academic places and they cause governmental concerns, inequalities can risk national unity and social stability. Spatial planning is a set of coordinated and coherent knowledge, ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Recently, inequalities are the fundamental problems for human society, as they are discussed in academic places and they cause governmental concerns, inequalities can risk national unity and social stability. Spatial planning is a set of coordinated and coherent knowledge, policies, techniques and operations that are used to eliminate inequalities and organize and regulate biological and geographical spaces (natural and unnatural). The concentration of facilities and services in the cities and provincial centers in recent decades has created regional inequalities in accessing to services and facilities; finally, it leads a decline in quality of life, income gaps and ultimately spatial injustice. Therefore, logical and credible analysis of the regions and areas is essential in order to achieve spatial justice and major economic development. Alborz province, as one of the centers for spatial distribution and deconcentrating of Tehran which is separated in 2010 from the province, is now involved in the intense spatial concentration in the provincial capital. There are various threats in this province that cover a wide range of issues. In this regard, one of the most important parts of spatial planning is the recognition of political, security and defensive threats in different provinces. This study surveys spatial distribution of services and facilities in different counties of Alborz province. Since good distribution of facilities and services in the regional and provincial levels lead to reduction of the security threats. This research also seeks to answer the fundamental question: What are the security and defensive threats of spatial planning in Alborz province?
2. Theoretical Framework
Security and defense are the most important foundations of development for each country, which are achieved through smart planning and good policies. In an overview, we can say that the most important goal of recent planning is to achieve development, especially sustainable development. Sustainable development does not have clear definition despite it is extensively used. For this reason, the development takes an available meaning only in case that it is considered in four economic, political, cultural and social areas. Therefore, attention to a range of key variables in different environmental, cultural, economic, social and political sectors is necessary in political, security and defensive studies. No attention to each of these sectors can cause irrepairable damage, for example, the lack of attention to environmental issues can lead to the creation of a Green Party and new environmental advocacy movements based on radical ideas such as extreme ecology, eco-anarchism and ecofeminism. Oriurdon (1989) states how societies are divided between two groups of people. A group that considers nature to be inherently exploitative and recoverable and another group that knows that human ability to destroy its environment is more than its ability to compensate. Therefore, providing development and accessing to various regional and provincial levels can equally serve a basis for policy advancement, security development, strengthening defensive capabilities and reducing regional inequalities that countries are taking along. Also, dealing with the issue of security and defense is one of the most important factors for development of the country.
3. Methodology
The present research is applicable in terms of its purpose and it has descriptive-analytical and exploratory nature. Library materials, interviews and a questionnaire were used to collect data. In library studies, research related topics, including dissertations, articles, books and research projects have been used. Necessary indices for research have been extracted from library studies. Elite interviews were conducted to find out if the indices that were extracted from the library method adequately measured the existing threats in Alborz province. Each of the threats was selected by elite questionnaires.
Also, a questionnaire with 76 indicators was used to measure the importance of each of the threats in the various counties of Alborz province. The number of respondants was 35 people. Also, purposeful sampling has been used to select experts. Vikor method has been used to analyze the indices. Then, the results are displayed by using the arc map 10.2 software.
4. Discussion and Findings
Proximity to Tehran as the capital of Iran and center of all sectors, services, facilities, employment, and so on is one of the most prominent features of Alborz province. Despite proximity to the capital leads to access of Alborz province to the various services, but this has caused a number of different problems. Being near to Tehran and Karaj-Tehran subway line, being the province capital, easy access of Karaj residents to Tehran and many other problems have leaded Karaj to be the largest residential city in Iran compared to other sectors. It also has the most informal settlements. The huge difference in Karaj population with other counties of Alborz province has caused that more provincial budgets are allocated to Karaj, and industry and service sectors are also concentrated in Karaj. Proximity to the capital, the unreasonable concentration of population, facilities and services have exacerbated various political, security and defensive threats in Karaj. Finally, experts believe that establishing justice in the territory of the land and increasing the level of access in the poor counties by using different methods of spatial planning are the best ways to reduce the threats in Alborz province. Therefore, problems and challenges could be reduced by distributing facilities, services and accesses among different counties of Alborz Province, and also eliminating unemployment and low access to facilities in other counties.
