Safar Ghaedrahmati; Seyed Ali Alavi; Shaharm Bazrafkan
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The realization of good urban governance in urban management of metropolitans in Iran, including Tehran, requires the realization of citizens’ participation in a variety of dimensions. This emphasizes on the concepts such as justice-orientation, legality, transparency, ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The realization of good urban governance in urban management of metropolitans in Iran, including Tehran, requires the realization of citizens’ participation in a variety of dimensions. This emphasizes on the concepts such as justice-orientation, legality, transparency, consensus-orientation, participation, efficiency and effectiveness, accountability and responsibility. Due to the fact that the management of the district 9 like other urban districts of Tehran is at a low level, it seems that this district requires a new and more dynamic management system to be improved.
In this research, the neighborhoods of the 9th district of Tehran have been considered in terms of important indicators of urban good governance. Using the VIKOR ranking technique, we have studied the position of these indicators. Therefore, the main goal of this study is to evaluate the eight neighborhoods of district 9 and prioritize neighborhoods based on urban good governance indicators. For this purpose, firstly, using the available literature on urban governance, various dimensions of the subject are described with emphasis on urban neighborhoods, and then, on this basis, appropriate indicators for measuring urban good governance are extracted. In the following, a suitable tool for gathering proportionate data with the indicators has been designed. As the field study has been carried out, the resulted data are analyzed using VIKOR model.
2. Methodology
The general approach of the research is a quantitative method. It is based on documentation and field study (questionnaire) in terms of data gathering. First, related studies are used to identify urban good governance indicators. Accordingly, eight important indicators were identified in this field and considered for designing the questionnaire as the main tool of research in the field study.
To increase the validity, the content and visual validity methods have been used. In this regard, the validity of the research tool was confirmed by a number of experts in this field. Then, Cronbach's alpha technique was used to measure the reliability of research tool. The number of 0.835 was obtained, which indicates the appropriate reliability of the research tool. According to Cochran's formula, 384 questionnaires in eight neighborhoods of 9th district of Tehran were distributed by stratified random sampling. Finally, the VIKOR decision model was used to analyze the collected data derived from field surveys.
3. Results and Discussion
This research aims to measure urban good governance indicators in Tehran's neighborhoods. In this regard, based on the available survey literature in the field of urban good governance, 39 items in the form of eight indicators of urban good governance including participation, justice-oriented, consensus-oriented, efficiency and effectiveness, transparency, legality, accountability and responsibility have been examined in an analysis framework of VIKOR model.
The results show that the neighborhoods of the 9th district of Tehran have a different situation in terms of urban good governance indicators. As Table 12 shows, these indicators have generally a better status in Dr Hooshyar and Ostad Moein with the coefficients of 0.093 and 0.252, respectively. Fatah neighborhood is in the worst status with the coefficient of 0.810. This indicates a significant difference between the neighborhoods in terms of urban good governance. And the rest of other neighborhoods of 9th district of Tehran have a coefficient between 0.3 and 0.7.
4. Conclusion
According to the findings, the centralized and top-down management of authorities and urban managers in the studied neighborhoods, vertical relations and hierarchy, lack of attention to local and civil institutions, discrimination in laws and regulations, and finally, lack of attention to the strategy of community development as the basis and participatory development foundation are remarkable in these neighborhoods. The goal of participatory development foundation is to pay attention to a citizen as a responsible and active member in the urban society to encourage collaboration for promoting standards of the life.
The strategy of urban good governance aims to create a democratic process for flourishing a foundation for social life based on more participation of people, collective responsibility and the delegation of authority to the local community in order to improve the quality of life. In addition, focusing on the ability of the local community and their direct role in the development process, this strategy seeks to find a type of management based on the local community through collaboration of government and nongovernmental organizations, while unfortunately, these indicators are not considered comprehensively in the studied neighborhoods, and “the right of human development and places” has been ignored.
Also, the indicator of accountability was lower than the average, indicating that the respondents did not consider this indicator in desirable status in their district. They believe that the authorities and urban (district) managers should be responsible and accountable to their results, decisions and activities and should be responsive about their decisions to the urban (district) residents. They did not consider their authorities responsive to accomplished or accomplishing activities. This status is not observed in studied neighborhoods.
Meysam Mirzaei Tabar; Seyed Mohammad Hossein Hosseini; Vahid Sadeghi
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Citizenship and citizenship rights are important legal and political concepts that can have different functions in traditional and new societies. Mamasani is one of the counties of Fars Province, which still has its traditional structure. Formation of clan and tribal ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Citizenship and citizenship rights are important legal and political concepts that can have different functions in traditional and new societies. Mamasani is one of the counties of Fars Province, which still has its traditional structure. Formation of clan and tribal tendencies in this county associated with the ranks of residents suggests that citizenship rights can be influenced by political and tribal considerations especially during elections. In addition, victorious candidates in parliamentary elections may have a tribalism approach to citizens’ issues, and their sense of belonging to their clan and family is a prominent feature of candidates’ personality, rather than being representative of the public. An attempt to divide individuals (outsider and insider) can lead to strengthen and weaken the various regions of the county. Tribal nationalism may be increased among those feeling that their rights have been violated. It affects the components of freedom and justice known as citizenship rights and causes the next election cycle turn into a conflict. Obviously, the emphasis on tribal issues in an election can affect the positive and negative freedom of the people’s independence. The present research has questioned the relationship between tribal culture and civil rights in Mamasani county. It seems that there is a meaningful relationship between the two variables of tribal culture and citizenship rights, and the attitudes of the tribal elite have a key role in ignoring the rights of citizens in the Mamasani County.
2. Theoretical Framework
Citizenship rights
Citizens’ rights or civil freedom are a set of civil, political, economic, and social rights that a person has as a member of community. The set of freedoms that people of a community have, the so-called individual rights, freedoms and the general rights of citizens, are also considered as the human and citizens’ rights.
Positive and Negative Liberties
Positive freedom means individual autonomy to act according to reason and the right of participate. In contrast to the concept of positive liberation, the concept of negative liberty defends the basis of liberalism. As Berlin (2003) states, "If I cannot do what I want because of the interference of others, I will lose my freedom, and if the interference of others expand so that the scope of my freedom is less than minimal, I've been taken as a slave”.
Election
Elections are the most important means of responding to public opinion, demands and preferences. It shows the social bases of political power. It is a good criterion for assessing the distribution of power in the society. Election is a democratic way of selecting the institutions for public representation, and building the foundation of legitimate democratic structures.
Tribe and Tribalism
A cultural unit is composed of an interconnected human community in a geographic space in which people have a common perception of each other's characteristics and interests. Accordingly, tribalism assumes that residents form a coherent whole together and have a collective and local identity based on their characteristics, and social, economic, and cultural identities. This collective identity brings about collective unity, social cohesion and social solidarity.
3. Methodology
The aim of the present research is twofold. In terms of purpose, it is fundamental and also applied. Nevertheless, its fundamental aspect can be considered as its dominant one. In terms of ontology and methodology, the research is a descriptive and analytical study that investigates the relationship of two variables of tribalism as an independent variable, and the rights of citizenship as a dependent variable. Data were collected through the library, field observations and statistical analysis of the questionnaire.
4. Findings and Discussion
Findings of the research show that one of the factors of the formation of clan tendencies and its socio-political culture in Mamasani County has been based on human work in history. This culture has faced with members of various tribes over the time with doubt, and taught them to pursue the goals through overcoming the "other". Accordingly, traditions are preferred more than rational choice, emphasizing the common history and tribal morale. It is the basis of individuals’ performance in Mamasani; thus, it limits the positive freedom. Based on these findings, the mental and objective effects of tribalism culture affect the negative freedom of citizens, their privacy and thoughts. The kinship groups play the most important role in stimulating the traditional pattern in the minds of individuals and they are forced to accept social and political life of the tribesmen. In this regard, the institutionalization of the tribal life and the safeguarding of traditions are also objectively apparent. The election of the Islamic parliament is an area for showing and proving themselves to the other tribes. The deprivation of the positive and negative freedom of citizens in Mamasany County, in addition to influencing the individual's attitude through the tribal and traditions, is influenced by other influential groups elites and social forces. On the election day, they practically take the citizens to the service of the tribal desires. Thus, the rights of citizenship are ignored. The findings also suggest that kinship groups make it possible spontaneously or deliberately to mobilize the masses on the basis of clerical culture and neglect the citizenship rights. Generally, the domination of clan culture in the electoral space leads to neglecting the citizenship rights through depriving the positive and negative liberties of the independence and vote; creating an atmosphere of emotional and irrational political participation; providing a field of ineffective participation in the political destiny of the land management; the lack of respect to the citizens' privacy; creation of conditions for the victorious candidates to regard their tribe and the unequal allocation of funds facilities and management positions in different parts of the city.
Ehsan Lashgari
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Geopolitics is one of the geographic sciences branches which can be discussed at various methodological schools. By the middle of the 20th century, dominant geopolitical theories and frameworks were often based on the objective aspects of geography and its impact ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Geopolitics is one of the geographic sciences branches which can be discussed at various methodological schools. By the middle of the 20th century, dominant geopolitical theories and frameworks were often based on the objective aspects of geography and its impact on political relations between countries and blocks of power. However, observing the weakness of geopolitical predictions and the lack of response to many contradictions, thinkers moved to new theoretical frameworks in geopolitics. This shift has caused the spread of interpretive methodology to geopolitical studies. However, the excessive use of the idealistic methodology could cause the lack of attention to the issues and challenges in places and regions. However, today, more than past, applied studies in geographic sciences are carried out in positivism method. Therefore, applied geopolitical studies are still more feasible in the positivism school because when the propositions are referred to the objective world, the causation and prediction in dimension of methodology become operational. Now, the question that arises is which applied geopolitics will be closer to the approach of positivism school (inductive or deductive approaches) for better optimization?
2. Theoretical Framework
Geopolitics is based on the role of geography in the international relation which analyzes the domination of actors and governments in this context. From a geopolitical view, governments and political actors compete to gain opportunities in geographical space. They try to expand their influence on important spaces.
Deductive approach discusses the necessities for scientific recognition and the definition of "coherent systems" that exist in geopolitical studies. The logic behind deductive approach consists of definite arguments while the logic of inductive approach is based on probable inferences. In this methodology, the condition for the applicability of geopolitics is based on inferential and rational methods for studying geopolitical developments in different places and regions. Based on this methodological framework, there are fixed collections based on which it is possible to explain and predict the geopolitical changes while, some indexes such as the kind of political system are also influential in geopolitical studies that eliminate inductive generalizations. Obviously, in accordance with the conditions of international relations, the combination of these two features leads the dimensions of geopolitical studies towards a rational proof-making methodology. From the deductive perspective, inferential rationality has potential to identify and distinguish historically the spatial policies in geopolitical studies.
3. Methodology
This article intends to explain the optimal functions of deductive methodology in descriptive-analytical approach. In the first stage, it tries to explain the deductive methodology and geopolitical concept. Then, the epistemological ability of deductive methodology has been analyzed in comparison with interpretive and inductive methods in Geopolitical studies particularly after the cold war.
4. Results and Discussion
The Findings reveal that the content of geopolitics has some conceptual principles that exclusively require a deductive methodology. The most important principles are as follows:
A: Deductive explanation, and differentiation in the geopolitical value of places and regions
According to the views of many geopolitical thinkers, identifying the important regions and places in the world has been one of the studying goals. It has been done based on a rational positivist approach. Intrinsically, the distinction between the geopolitical significance of places and geographical areas is inherent in the geopolitical structure of the world. In the first step, the importance of geographical places should be highlighted in the deductive approach to predict the political behavior of governments and actors. Basically, in the transnational scale, the spatial threats are not considered as the impartial stimuli and these are often explained by deductive logic.
B- Deductive explanation and connotation in geopolitical studies
The deductive approach could help to predict the geopolitical developments in the world. With this method the scholars of international relations and geopolitics do not explain the historical events merely. Because such statements directly refer to the external conditions and express the real and objective characteristics.
C- The end of the Cold War and the increasing value of the deductive approach in geopolitical studies
After the Cold War and with the end of the ideological competition, the ideological value of the regions did not merely cause competition, security, and strategy, but they were the resources available in the geopolitical structure of the world that credited them. From this perspective, the competition model has a completely geopolitical, objective, and predictable content. Therefore, although a super authority is not dominant over the global system, there are self-regulating mechanisms that can be explained in geopolitical systems and the behavior of governments and affecting actors in the transnational area can be explained based on the deductive rationality.
5. Conclusions
Most of the applied geographic studies have recognized the causes of these phenomena in geographic space as objective phenomena. Geopolitics also studies the objective concepts in space that produce political action between countries in transnational scale. Of course, unlike the national scale, there is no centralized political power and sovereignty for governing the space in the transnational scale. Thus, the deductive methodology should be applied to study geopolitics, because anticipating and monitoring the behavior of states and actors based on the quantitative techniques in the transnational scale are not possible. Politics has a qualitative and variable nature and it is necessary to use a deductive approach.
Mojtaba Rafiean; Ahmad Yazdanian; Hashem Dadashpour
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The urban public space is the realm of the presence of different social groups with different patterns of behavior. The concept of space in this sense is an entity that, first of all, is shaped by the presence of individuals through individual action and social relations. ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The urban public space is the realm of the presence of different social groups with different patterns of behavior. The concept of space in this sense is an entity that, first of all, is shaped by the presence of individuals through individual action and social relations. The space we live in everyday life is essentially a social and political construct. Urban public spaces, on the one hand, represent the culture, values, goals and ideologies prevailing in each society, and, on the other hand, by facilitating the presence of space, facilitates space for centralized groups. Space is not a reflection of society, but society itself. According to what was said, the main question of the following text is how space is produced and reproduced through relationships and forces. For a long time, the study of space as a social and political concept was not common in the social sciences and urban planning literature. From a critical point of view, space is formulated as an abstract-concrete concept. In this sense, the spatial being is related to the social relations of production, and, in fact, with the social being. In fact space study is the study of relations and spatial and economic relations.
If we consider the concept of space in this way, essentially as a social and political construct, then we can like any other social category, put it under the magnifier of critical analysis.
2. Theoretical Framework
2.1 Production and reproduction of space:
The social space is produced in the realms that allow the presence of different groups; this means that space cannot exist itself. Historical concepts of space are analyzed on the basis of three axes, which are spatial practice, representations of space and space of representation. Space is thus analyzed in three perceived, imagined and lived ways. The form of agency in each of these spaces varies in different ways.
2.2 Space, knowledge and representation of power:
The social space, as Bourdieu states, is the first and last reality. The space that was occupied by different groups is one of the places where the undoubted power in its most intangible form is fixed and becomes reality. Understanding the concept of space requires the recognition of the social world in the form of relationships. Understanding space cannot be done without theoretical understanding of the relationship in place. Places and spaces vary according to the conception of different social groups, and what identity in space dominates as the dominant identity is the subject of controversy.
2.3 Space of Difference and Field of Division
Communities are made up of people, groups, bodies and different classes in which different groups in public spaces make it possible to formulate the meaning of life and have a close connection with their lived experience. Communities are composed of individuals, groups, bodies, and classes, in which different groups in public spaces make it possible to formulate in the sense of life, and have a close connection with their life experience. Communities generate rhythms in the form of spatial relationships. The existence of man is, above all, the existence of space.
2.4 Disciplinary Discourse and Normalization of Space
The various qualities of space affect the way and form of action of individuals in space. Discourse shapes spaces and communities. This formation makes the body of subject in space more influenced by the actions of these discursive and material spaces. From a critical attitude the presence of different people in spatial situations that leads to the formation of spatial dialogues can be considered as a controlled conflict. This conflict ultimately leads to social and spatial divisions in the city and therefore reflects and reproduces the social differences of people in space.
2.5 Spatial tactics, resistance and presence as a negation of spatial subjection:
In fact, space is an actual place, that is, the positioning of objects relative to each other, but space is experiencing them. Resistance is more than anything related to strength. Resistance is always assumed in any kind of power relations in space. Because otherwise there will be no power relations. This resistance is never in a position out of power, but everywhere within the power relations. Hence, there is no unique space for refusals, but in every space, along with the presence of mechanisms of power, there is a plurality of resistors. In fact, the tactical interactions that are conceived in the form of the contextual presence of the subject in space can, in the light of the individual's presence in the space, create a new spatial logic that does not necessarily coincide with the predetermined behavioral logic of the structure. It does not form the space and forces that reproduce spatial domination.
2.6 Everyday life and multiplication in space:
Any theory making must begin with everyday life. Non-spatial thinking cannot interfere with the interconnectedness of the behavior of individuals in space and the implied meanings that arise from space and mediation between them, leading to specific behavioral patterns. Each social rhythm or, in other words, mass and spatial rhythm is shaped by the various forms of human presence in space. Rhythms are considered as movements and differences within space repetition, within which the daily life is considered to be the space experience.
2.7 Experience of Space in Individual and Social Interactions:
We cannot exist without others. It is the space that provides the realization of the ontological possibility by providing the ground for presence and interactions of the group. The social space encompasses concrete materiality, and, moreover, embraces a conceptual concept called experience. Experience, like the issue of being in the final analysis, is like a mystery rooted in space. This means without the material dimension and thought that make it, experience there is no social space without the material dimension. In the sense that the experience has no social-spatial existence without the man, and the thoughts and ideas he has.
2.8 Space in time and experience
The existence of human space is shaped by experiences and the social world. How our lives in the world, and therefore our understanding of the place in this world, depends on our understanding of space and time and, more specifically, on space time. The relations between time and space are the main components of social systems.
3. Methodology
This paper, emphasis on Interweave of method, theory and reality. From this methodological viewpoint, article analysis the problem of space in the city. In the same vein, spatial aspect of such concepts as power, resistance, spatial strategies, normalization, differences and so on have been addressed.
4. Findings and Discussion.
Space is the materialized human being. Hence, human existence has always been related to something called space. Space is the realization of human existence. In the same vein, the urban public space is in the realm of the presence of individuals and social groups that are tied to their social and economic functions. The spatial existence of human is shaped by his experiences and social relations.
The way we live in the world is the consequence of our time and space perception; more precisely our apprehension of Space-time. And this is when the space as a concept of relations is produced and becomes the question. That is, the moment when space is tied to political and economic relations, and it takes its conceptual strength. In this sense, we can talk about the production of space, power, resistance, normalization, tactics and strategies, experience and time, and other forces. This paper tries to emphasize the strains that produce the concept of space and reproduce them through different forms of presence. In this regard, the question of what space is, is abandoned. This study deals with how space is produced.
Hamdollah Sojasi Qeidari; Yaghoub Esfaram
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Ethnocentrism and ethnic unrest are among the most important features of an ethnocentric system and communities with traditional and ethnic structures. Heterogeneity in clans and their diversity and dispersion always reduce the solidarity of societies at the local ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Ethnocentrism and ethnic unrest are among the most important features of an ethnocentric system and communities with traditional and ethnic structures. Heterogeneity in clans and their diversity and dispersion always reduce the solidarity of societies at the local and national levels and lead to tribal and ethnic feuds, and, as a result, social solidarity and participation are minimized. The liveliness of villages is diminished owing to a weakness in solidarity and public participation and this causes difficulties in rural development. Naturally, development must be first made into a necessity to take shape in humans and pave the way for human understanding in various areas. Hence, it seems that there is a profound relationship between tribal and ethnic feuds and underdevelopment which needs to be studied with regard to the changes of globalization, the traditional culture, and the context of the society.
2. Theoretical Framework
Rural development puts an emphasis upon the process of improvement in the quality of life among villagers and different actors and activists including the rural communities involved in this process. In this process, the diversity and dispersion of clans and different ethnicities lead them to claim their shares from the outcomes of development and each clan demands a larger share. In conjunction with the rare factors of production, these factors have caused the ethnicities and clans to be heterogeneous in their needs and requests. Therefore, we observe a divergent and underdeveloped community while this would be followed by social harms such as ethnic and tribal feuds. These feuds will change into rural divisions within a rural community. Rural division is concerned with a community in which there is a high level of group disputes and conflict of interest on the one hand, and a low level of participation, central consensus and social capital on the other hand. The capacities of rural development remain in a potential state due to the existence of disputes. Therefore, rural underdevelopment is a concomitant of the conditions within and outside the rural community. This underdevelopment has been provoked by the existence of traditional structures, poverty, deprivation, unemployment, and low social participation and solidarity.
3. Methodology
The data of this descriptive and analytic article have been collected through the library research method and the statistical analysis of field data (i.e., questionnaire and interview). In this field method, the relationship between the ethnic and tribal feud as the independent variable and rural underdevelopment as the dependent variable was investigated using the SPSS Software. To do this, nine villages with the most cases of feuds were selected as samples by means of a library and descriptive–analytic methodology and 300 sample families were selected for the study so that the developed questionnaires could be completed with regard to the research parameters. To achieve the research objectives, statistical methods such as one-sample t-test, Pearson correlation, Kruskal-Wallis, analysis of variance (ANOVA) and Turkey method were used.
4. Results and Discussion
The results show that there has been a significant relationship between the two variables of ethnic and tribal feud, and rural underdevelopment. Moreover, the tendency for violence and ethnocentrism was stronger and more prevalent within the rural districts. The studied villages vary in terms of ethnocentrism and the proclivity for feuds and fall into different categories. Rural underdevelopment was at a drastically high level leading to less social participation, solidarity and cohesion. Rural development has encountered numerous problems in the eastern boundary of Bahmaei village district due to diverse ethnicities and tribes, the existence of traditional context and culture and their predominance in the community, and the outbreak of feuds and ethnic tensions.
5. Conclusions and Suggestions
Today, the emphasis on physical capital has been replaced with an emphasis on social capital in the process of development as social capital connects all forms of capital and mediates between them. Without social capital, other forms of capital cannot be used judiciously. The existence of divisions and the pursuit of conflicting interests diminish the growth and development of social capital. Accordingly, for different reasons, ethnic bigotries and the resulting emergence of ethnic and tribal feuds lead to a decrease in social capital at various levels and this destroys the developmental capacities and hinders the traits and potentials of rural development. In this way, ethnic and tribal feuds have led to rural underdevelopment. Therefore, given the research results, it is possible to recommend officials to increase employment in various areas of agriculture, the issuance of credible documents to prevent the imminent disputes, and concentration on religious and cultural teachings in order to curtail ethnic and tribal feuds and rural underdevelopment.
Leila- Babakhani Leshkan; Elaheh Koolaee; Ezatollah Ezzati
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Chrono Politics (geopolitics of time) is the concept of time management and the use of geopolitical opportunities. Since 1991, Iran and Turkey have been the bridge of the important areas of the world and this homogeneous geopolitical transformation has led to rivalry ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Chrono Politics (geopolitics of time) is the concept of time management and the use of geopolitical opportunities. Since 1991, Iran and Turkey have been the bridge of the important areas of the world and this homogeneous geopolitical transformation has led to rivalry of the two countries. Because of the hostile policies of the West, Iran’s position in the region has not been based on the real capabilities. On the other hand, Turkish geopolitics was emerged based on the energy pipelines, and today, Turkey is an energy hub in the region. American hostilities, Iran’s failures in diplomacy and the approach of Turkish leaders, position this country in a distinguished position, despite the lack of energy resources.
East-West strategy (Western Europe, Republic of Azerbaijan, Turkey and the United States) is the Policy of everything without Iran. Because of the hostile policies of the United States and the West, the position of Iran in the region is not based on the real capabilities and Turkey has become the regional power.
2. Theoretical Framework
Geopolitical discourse is about space and time. Now, a shift from Political geography (space policy) to Chrono politics (politics of time) can be noticed. Chrono politics investigates the role of time control in national politics. Croon politic is one of the vital elements of political geography, because at first, policy passes through the time channel. Geopolitics and Chrono politics both meet each other in one point where applied dimensions of geopolitics and Chrono politics are emphasized in political decision-makings. Geopolitics is a combination of politics, power, and the earth, while the subject of Chrono politics is the relations between foreign policy and time.
Chrono politics, in fact, is how elites, intellectuals and officials create structures of power through controlling and distributing time and influencing foreign policy. Hence, Chrono politics in political sciences, especially in world scale, has overtaken geopolitics. Chrono politics is understanding the map of time. Time and space are not two separated phenomena, but they are interconnected. Political geography has to be used in time. Chrono politics is time management which means taking advantage of the geopolitical position and opportunity and not losing time. Cyber space is one of the Chrono politics factors. It does not depend on the territory and land. It considers governments are responsible for foreign and international policies and investigates politics in the form of time.
3. Methodology
This research is a fundamental-theoretical research. The research method is descriptive-analytical. Data is collected based on comparative methodology using the Internet and library sources.
4. Findings and Discussion
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, an intense competition between Iran and Turkey took place because both countries had the opportunity to play as the key political and economic actor in the region. The most fundamental divergent component between them is that Turkey is aligned with the West and the United States and is a member of NATO, and establishes the political, economic and military relations with Israel; hence, it is highly supported by the West while Iran opposes the U.S. and NATO’s policies in the region. Iran does not officially recognize Israel’s existence. Turkey benefits from the geopolitics of energy and Chrono politics of energy in various ways. It has strengthened its political influence in addition to economic exploitation through increasing the number of oil and gas pipelines. The new geopolitics of Turkey was defined after the Cold War and is based on the energy corridors. Europe geopolitical weakness is its dependence on turkey energy, which has reinforced Turkey’s geopolitical potential more than before.
Because of the fundamental difference between Iran’s policy and the geopolitics of America, Turkey does not allow Iran to grow in the area of energy transfer. Americans and Europeans have linked political and economic issues to use safer, easier and cheaper routes out of Iran territory. The weakness of Iran’s foreign policy causes it cannot benefit from its geostrategic position to become the main route of energy transmission between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf regions.
5. Conclusion
Iran doesn’t benefit the Chrono politics of energy, although energy of Iran, both in terms of resources and transmissions, has a unique position compared to its rivals, in particular Turkey; it is the world’s first gas supplier and the third largest supplier of oil; it is located between the two major oil and gas depots in the world (the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea); it is immediate neighboring of Caspian Sea countries; it is Standing beside the world high seas and it is able to transfer simultaneously energy to the West and the East (EU-China and India),. Despite the lack of a common border between Turkey and the Caspian region, Turkey has benefited from this position, due to America’s opposition to energy transmission through Iran. Turkey is stronger than Iran to achieve its national interests and economic development through diplomacy in the region and interaction with the world, even as the Turkish authorities have branded their diplomacy as the diplomacy of pressured pipes.
Three solutions are proposed to solve Iran’s problem:
- To transit the energy pipelines of Iran to Turkmenistan and Turkey.
- To identify common points of regional policy.
- To invest on industries jointly with regional unions, especially in the oil and gas industries.
Adopting passive policies in energy diplomacy can weaken national security and cause regional and global tensions against Iran.
Aliakbar Dabiri; Mohammad Reza Hafeznia; Sayyid Yahya Safavi; Mohammad Akhbari
Abstract
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The issue of terrorism in the third millennium has become one of the central issues of the world changes and the interconnection between powers and countries. One of the areas that is heavily affected by terrorism and its implications is South Asia, particularly the ...
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Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
The issue of terrorism in the third millennium has become one of the central issues of the world changes and the interconnection between powers and countries. One of the areas that is heavily affected by terrorism and its implications is South Asia, particularly the two countries, Afghanistan and Pakistan. In the past few decades, these two countries have always been under the influence of terrorism, and, in some cases, even released and transferred terrorism to other areas of the world. One of the most important dimensions of terrorism in this area is the geopolitical dimension of this phenomenon and the impact of geopolitical variables on the formation and activity of terrorist groups. Variables and geopolitical phenomena that are shaped by interaction of geography and power are among the crucial extraterritorial, transnational, and effective factors in the formation and activity of terrorist groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Certainly, the identification and analyses of these geopolitical variables will significantly help to understand the formation reasons and the activity of terrorist groups in these two countries. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to identify, evaluate and weigh the geopolitical variables that are effective in the formation and activity of terrorist groups in the border areas between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
2. Theoretical Framework
The temporal and spatial distribution of terrorist events on a global scale can have one of the following four patterns: random, heterogeneous, reinforcement and contagion. In fact, the attacks are either randomly distributed in space and time, or followed by the other three non-random patterns. The heterogeneous pattern implies that the experience of different countries about terrorism is disparate in space but is constant over time. Reinforcement also points out that terrorist incidents in a country will likely be intensified in the future in the same country. Contagion means that the occurrence of terrorist events in a country is likely to cause the occurrence of such events in the neighboring countries. It can be concluded that many countries experience a period of terrorist incidents that have not experienced before. Another point is that the contagion does not occur only through the geographical boundaries, but also in a non- contiguous manner. Non-contiguous contagion is a process that may involve collaboration of terrorist groups in such relationships as spying, training, budgeting, and supporting.
Because of having the resources, facilities, and appropriate information, terrorist groups that are supported by governments are often able to carry out more deadly attacks than other terrorists. Therefore, the terrorist operations of tyrannical governments are more responsible than individual terrorism operations for the victims and miseries. Secret brutality of state terrorists will have a low cost for the supporting government, and if it is used properly and secretly against strong enemies, it can prevent international punishment or retaliation.
From the geopolitical viewpoint, the world is in the midst of great chaos. On the one hand, multilateral regional unions have been developed (such as the European Union, NAFTA, Mercosur, APEC, etc.), and, on the other hand, a renaissance of nationalism, the emergence of fundamentalism, pro-independence movements and the autonomy of a minority are appeared. Most of conflicts are internal in that a part of the population opposes the central authority. Today, after the collapse of the bipolar system and the challenge of the US unipolar order by other rival powers, the world is in a long-term transitional period that has not yet reached a new and consistent order. Hence, there is a kind of disorder, mismanagement and lack of integrated control over global changes and the formation and activity of terrorist groups is one of its indicators.
3. Methodology
This research is a descriptive-analytic study that intends to identify geopolitical variables that affect the formation and activity of terrorist groups. In terms of collecting information, a library method and a questionnaire were used. SPSS software was used to validate and weigh the variables.
4. Findings and Discussion
By investigating library documents and field findings show that eight geopolitical variables including " locating among critical states and regions," " foreign supports from institutions which promote fundamentalism ", " long, penetrable and far from the center geographic borders "," geographic affinity among ethnic-religious groups in two sides of the borders "," geopolitical rivalry between powers ", " lack of regional or global hegemonic power ", "buffer situation ", " border and territorial conflicts with neighboring states" as well as 21 categories related to these variables are impact in formation and the activities of terrorist groups in the border areas between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Also, descriptive and inferential statistics (T-test) indicate that the average score of all eight geopolitical variables is significantly higher than the standard mean (x=3). Therefore, the effectiveness of these geopolitical variables in the formation and activity of terrorist groups in the border areas between Afghanistan and Pakistan is also confirmed by experts.
