Bahador Zarei; Mehdi Mousavi; Masoud Mosadegh
Abstract
Taiwan is one of the countries whose political and legal independence is not recognized by the United Nations, and the main reason is China's opposition to this country as an independent political entity in the international arena and institutions such as the United Nations. China considers Taiwan an ...
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Taiwan is one of the countries whose political and legal independence is not recognized by the United Nations, and the main reason is China's opposition to this country as an independent political entity in the international arena and institutions such as the United Nations. China considers Taiwan an island owned by a rebellious government within the last seven decades and, like Hong Kong and Macau, it must return to the territory of the great Chinese nation and people, but the United States rejects this view and it has always supported Taiwan and has paved the way for the formation of a geopolitical challenge between the two countries and even the countries of the Pacific region. The purpose of this study is to examine the economic success of Taiwan as the fifth largest economy in Asia and its geopolitical challenge with China and US intervention through cooperation with Taiwan in military, political and economic dimensions in order to achieve its national interests in these dimensions, to use it as a tool against China, to contain and engage China, and to slow down economic and military development, as well as to enable its presence in the Pacific. A descriptive –analytic research method was used. The data were collected through library research including national and international resources. The findings of this study show that China will not relinquish its rights over Taiwan under any circumstances and will enhance pressure on Taiwan by increasing its military, economic, technological and political power in the national and international arenas to fulfill its aim which is adding Tiwan to China even if through war with with Taiwan and the United States, By mastering the Pacific logic, the United States will use all its efforts and capacity to prevent Taiwan's accession to China, both domestically and internationally, to control and monitor China. The United States, on the other hand, is committed to defending Taiwan and is willing to pay any price, even a war with China.
Marzieh sadat Alvand; Mahdieh Heiydari
Abstract
From a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view, Iran and Saudi Arabia are competing with each other in increasing regions. This study seeks to analyze the geostrategic role of Iran in Saudi Arabia's extensive effort to strategically approach the largest emerging power in the international system. ...
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From a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view, Iran and Saudi Arabia are competing with each other in increasing regions. This study seeks to analyze the geostrategic role of Iran in Saudi Arabia's extensive effort to strategically approach the largest emerging power in the international system. The authors have tried to answer the question of what are the most important geostrategic threats of the regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in establishing a strategic alliance between Saudi Arabia and the relations of the People's Republic of China by using explanatory methods and using library and internet information gathering tools? It seems that the increase in Iran's influence in the region after the conclusion of the UN Security Council and the change in the balance of power in regional crisis in its favor, has led to the formation of geostrategic threats in Saudi Arabia and its closer proximity to China. The findings of the study using the theory of defensive neo-realism show that Saudi Arabia with a pragmatic approach is trying to establish a strategic alliance with China to curb Iran's influence and reduce its activism in the region. However, the People's Republic of China, with its strategic patience in its foreign policy and the strategic importance of Iran and Saudi Arabia in its developing economy, seeks to maintain a bilateral balance in its relations with both actors.
Zaha Hajizadeh Ghochan Atigh; Siroos Ahmadi Nohadani; Abdolreza Farajirad; Hojat Mahkouii
Abstract
The need to interact with the global economy and realize development in the new world facilitates and accelerates national development. From 2021 to 2013, China launched a world-wide operation in the Silk Road Reconstruction Program, creating a win-win and ambitious environment in political, economic ...
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The need to interact with the global economy and realize development in the new world facilitates and accelerates national development. From 2021 to 2013, China launched a world-wide operation in the Silk Road Reconstruction Program, creating a win-win and ambitious environment in political, economic and security dimensions, with the Belt-Road Initiative. As one of the main pillars of power in the new structure of the international system, China is defining and consolidating its regional and global position. By implementing this plan, China seeks to achieve the following: increase the efficiency of internal borders, improve trade Between economic corridors, deepening trade agreements, improving access to the European market, increasing exports of products, expanding banking, financial and insurance cooperation, capital development in the field of tourism, etc.This article intends to use a descriptive-analytical method to explain and analyze the geopolitical plan of the Belt-Road Initiative between Iran and China and the great powers and to explain the effects and consequences of this plan on Iran. The information was obtained by referring to library resources, internet, interviews with experts and was explained and analyzed by content analysis method. Iran, as one of the important points in the Silk Road route and due to its special geopolitical position, has significant effects on the belt-road initiative and is affected by it. By joining the Belt-Road Initiative, Iran can turn its geographical location into a geopolitical opportunity
Danyal Rezapoor; Reza Simbar; Ahmad Jansiz
Abstract
With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European ...
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With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European Union to the East was aimed at limiting the regional influence of Russia and China. As a result, Ukraine and the South Sea of China have also led to a conflict zone between Russia, China and Western actors over regional influence and even a factor in the disagreement between the United States and the European Union, which is the basis for intensifying tensions and increasing Uncertainty has been created in the Greater Eurasia region. By stating this introduction, the authors suggest that their main question is that the tensions and geopolitical disputes between the United States, the European Union and Russia over the Ukrainian crisis, and the US-China differences with China in the South China Sea and the failure of the European Union with hegemony On the multilateral relations of these countries? The hypothesis of the article is that the disagreements and tensions between the European Union, the United States, Russia and the hegemonic demands in the Ukrainian crisis, the intensification of US-China divisions, and the political, economic cooperation of the EU with the two countries Russia and China, while weakening the European Union's security relations with the United States, have provided the ground for transition from a monopoly to a multi-polar system. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting library and virtual information
Mostafa ghaderi hajat; Mohammad Javad Ghahramani; Yazdani Khorasgani Ebrahim
Abstract
The rise of China as a major power in the international system has led it to act relatively differently in its foreign policy than in the past. China's most important behavior can be expressed in the form of the Belt and Road initiative. This initiative helped China to avoid Slowly avoid facing ...
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The rise of China as a major power in the international system has led it to act relatively differently in its foreign policy than in the past. China's most important behavior can be expressed in the form of the Belt and Road initiative. This initiative helped China to avoid Slowly avoid facing the United States in East Asia and also boosted Beijing's growth. The Belt and Road initiative includes a number of projects, mainly leading to a greater focus of Beijing on the country's western geographical areas. Pakistan, located on the shores of the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea, has a critical role in China's new foreign policies due to its geographical location. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, launched in 2015, clearly demonstrates the importance and position of Pakistan and the growing relationship between the two countries. This article seeks to examine the role of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor from the perspective of China's new position in the international system through analytical-explanatory methods and relying on library resources. The results show that the most important benefits of the corridor for China, which can advance China's foreign policy in the current context of the international system, can be expressed in terms of the role of the economic corridor as a clear symbol of cross-border presence. China stressed the need to play the role of a major world power, gain economic benefits and strengthen China's sphere of influence from geo-economics to geostrategic, help alleviate China's security concerns, and ultimately advance China's new economic model.
Hamid Dorj; Hashmatullah Falahat pishe
Abstract
Extended abstract
Introduction
The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining ...
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Extended abstract
Introduction
The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining strategic patterns from the perspective of dominating energy reserves, securing oil pipelines, countering the influence of Russia, China and Iran. Russia, on the other hand, as a serious critic of US policies will seek to gain regional supremacy in Eurasia, following the relative establishment of political stability. it will certainly be a challenge for US policies in the region. China has cultural, economic and security links with some of the Eurasian countries, establishing itself as a great power by relying on worldwide economic power. These confrontations and disagreements with Washington's unilateral policies in the Eurasia geopolitical region with the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have become a strategic triangle for the establishment of a barrier policy.
Review of Literature
The term of geopolitics, as a controversial and ambiguous word, was first introduced by the Swedish scientist "Radolf Kilen" in the 1899 and in the concept of "knowledge of the analysis of geography and politics relationship" came to contemporary political geography field. Geopolitics is the study of international relations and contrasts concerning the geographies. In other words, the influence of geographical factors such as the location, distance, and distribution of natural and human resources on international relations is a geopolitical issue (Braden & Shelley, 2000: 5).
Methodology
Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis has been used for data analysis in which the classification, evaluation, comparison and analysis of the data are done to test the research hypothesis. The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical.
Findings and Discussion
Eurasia as the Earth's Heartland is a key pillar of world domination. Indeed, specific indicators of the strategic regions of the world should be sought in this region. This is as important fact as Mackinder says: "Any power that can dominate Eurasia can control the world" (Nazemroaya & Halliday, 2012: 67 68). The United States has placed the acquisition and consolidation of world hegemony in the forefront of its determination, actions, and foreign policy responses, and at this time seeks to maintain its position by preventing the emergence of a global challenge power and even the formation of an anti-hegemonic alliance. Therefore, it seeks to prevent the creation of anti-hegemon alliances with a different mix of Iran, Russia, China, and India by infiltrating Russia's backyard, controlling China, and communicating with their neighbours. In the new conditions of the international system in which any power is met with resistance, the Eurasian region has the most potential to form an anti-hegemon axis for encountering America. Countries such as Russia, China, and Iran that are recently recognized as primarily regional powers, and some political scholars believe they have the potential to form an anti-hegemon axis in the Eurasian region. Brzezinski warned that the emergence of a Eurasian hostile coalition could challenge American supremacy. The aggressive nature of US strategy is clearly evident in Brzezinski's remarks. He identified the potential Eurasian coalition as a potential anti-hegemonic coalition or North Atlantic anti-coalition formed by the help of Iran, Russia, and China coalition, with China at its center (Brzezinski, 1998: 32). In 1999, Beijing and Moscow were well aware of what was happening as well as future events. They were also well aware of US foreign policy. China and Russia signed a good neighbourly alliance and friendly collaboration on July 24, 2001. this happened less than two months after 9/11 events. A reciprocal defense alliance was established against NATO and the US, and a military network was established around China, pushing them beyond their territorial and bilateral defense integrity (Nazemroaya, 2012: 6- 7). As well as strengthening its military structure and capability in the domestic arena based on the principle of self-reliance, Iran has also had a presence in regional coalition and mechanisms which undoubtedly, the most important of them is Iran's presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as one of the most important and comprehensive regional security mechanisms in Central Eurasia. (Karami and Kozegar Kalaji, 1393: 141).
Washington's strategy for Central Asia after 2014 is to build communications channels along infrastructure such as the Northern Distribution Network and the New Silk Road with the aim of laying the foundations for a long-term structural relationship in Central Asia for the period following its military withdrawal (Javadyarjmand & salaverzizade, 1396:281). By establishing and leading new international organizations, China and Russia are also trying to challenge US-led Western Organizations and institutions. Iran's formal accession to Tracey (Europe, Caucasus, Asia) is a major step in breaking isolationist policies against Iran as well as strengthening Iran's transit status and increasing trade volume in Iran's southern route ( Karami & Kouzegarkaleji, 1393:139). China is well aware that it is highly vulnerable to a US leadership military strike on oil resources. That is why China is expanding its naval bases, so it insists and presses repeatedly to build onshore energy corridors and oil terminals directly from Central Asia and the Russian Federation to China. China's cooperation with Iran, Russia and the Central Asian republics helps to create an inter-Asian energy path and the continued flow of energy to China may be blocked if the oversight of the high seas by the US-led navy. The debate that has been going on for years over the development of a natural gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan, India, and China is itself part of China's strategic policy (Conway & Nauman, 2011: 3).
Conclusion
Maintaining the hegemonic role of the United States in the unipolar world has been America's most important strategic goal from post-Cold War to contemporary era. The creation of military bases and various investments in large oil and gas projects in various parts of the world, including the Eurasian region, are examples of this effort to shape the new American order. This policy was carried out rapidly by the US and NATO in the early years of the 21st century without any serious opposition from the other powers. Although Brzezinski claims that until the next generation, America's standing as the world's sole power cannot be challenged by any rival power, Russia, China, and Iran, as the three most powerful and beneficiary countries in the region, has been dissatisfied with the action from Washington and NATO and the relative progress they have made over the past two decades; and they are trying to counter US and NATO policies and in turn strengthening their influence and capability in this geopolitical area. Preventing US pressure to isolate Iran, Russia, and China, gain greater maneuverability internationally in partnership with independent or dissatisfied governments, preventing NATO's influence and empowerment, investing in environmental and tourism issues, and participating in international gas and oil pipeline projects are among the most important collaborative efforts of the three countries against US hegemonic policies in Eurasia.
