Research Political Geography Quarterly

Regional power analysis of Lebanese Hizbullah in the promotion of the geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East region

Javad Hamidi Ravari; Farhad Hamze; Ali Bijani

Volume 8, Issue 2 , January 2024, , Pages 114-148

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2022.76429.1147

Abstract

nowadays , efforts to improve national security are among the concerns of governments and basic bases of their foreign policy .in this context , the actors in the region are trying to expand their geopolitical realm in recent years this approach has been based on aggressive realist theory and support ... Read More

Geopolitical Explanation of the Concept and Role of "Regimes" In Geopolitical Structures

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf; Majid Gholami

Volume 8, Issue 1 , June 2023, , Pages 115-136

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2023.74799.1128

Abstract

Regimes are a well-known theory in political studies and international relations that is widely used in the analysis of transnational and global phenomena. Although the concept of "power" plays a key role in the process of forming the concept of regimes, so far the scientific literature of the geopolitical ... Read More

AI and The Geopolitical Change: A lesson for the Making of Meta-Geopolitics

Ehsan Mozdkhah; somaye hamidi

Volume 7, Issue 4 , November 2022, , Pages 179-204

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2022.78769.1169

Abstract

In recent years, Geopolitics has undergone changes and transformations with the expansion of the fourth industrial revolution and the growth of technological trends such as artificial intelligence as a sensitive international issue. Basically, getting defamiliarization with the scientific bases of foreign ... Read More

Representing the Role of the United States in the Geopolitical Theories of Three Classical, Modern, and Postmodern Periods (1890 to 2020)

Hassan Noorali; Zahra Pishgahifard

Volume 7, Issue 2 , July 2022, , Pages 25-45

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2021.71254.1060

Abstract

A large part of the development process of geopolitics has been owed to the theories that have been put forward by world-minded scientists in the last two centuries. Geopolitical theories with the nature of predicting the future of world system have generally been proposed with the centrality of different ... Read More

Analysis of the components of geopolitical interests and the extent of its impact on foreign relations of countries

Esmeil Alamdar; mohammad reza hafeznia; zahra ahmadypour; Syrus Ahmadi Nohadani

Volume 6, Issue 3 , July 2021, , Pages 1-18

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2021.68297.1014

Abstract

Geopolitical knowledge, as a branch of political geography, deals with the interrelationship between geography and politics in the light of the power component. One of the basic concepts of this knowledge is the concept of geopolitical interests, which have a special place in geopolitics and international ... Read More

Theory of the geopolinomical structure of the world system

Hassan Noorali; Zahra Pishgahifard

Volume 6, Issue 3 , July 2021, , Pages 59-83

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2021.69612.1033

Abstract

The global geopolitical order became fluid after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, and we witnessed a shift in dimensions from geostrategy to economic and cultural dimensions in the last decades of the twentieth century. Meanwhile, Wallerstein's theory of geoculture and Huntington's ... Read More

Geopolitical explanation of China's "Belt-Road Initiative" plan and its impact on Iran's relations with China

Zaha Hajizadeh Ghochan Atigh; Siroos Ahmadi Nohadani; Abdolreza Farajirad; Hojat Mahkouii

Volume 6, Issue 3 , July 2021, , Pages 138-156

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.2022.72586.1088

Abstract

The need to interact with the global economy and realize development in the new world facilitates and accelerates national development. From 2021 to 2013, China launched a world-wide operation in the Silk Road Reconstruction Program, creating a win-win and ambitious environment in political, economic ... Read More

Analysis of the Impact of Climate Change on Iran's Geopolitical Power (Mediator Variable of Sustainable Development)

Mohammad Akhbari; Mohamad Basiri Sadr

Volume 4, Issue 3 , June 2020, , Pages 80-104

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v4i3.80993

Abstract

Currently greatest environmental threats are global warming and climate change. Climate change will lead to shortages of water and food, disease, unemployment, migration, poverty, tensions on resources and global instability. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the effects of climate change in Iran ... Read More

Iran, Russia, and China Layout against US in Eurasia Geopolitical Arena

Hamid Dorj; Hashmatullah Falahat pishe

Volume 4, Issue 1 , October 2019, , Pages 23-62

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v4i1.78974

Abstract

Extended abstract Introduction The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining ... Read More Extended abstract Introduction The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining strategic patterns from the perspective of dominating energy reserves, securing oil pipelines, countering the influence of Russia, China and Iran. Russia, on the other hand, as a serious critic of US policies will seek to gain regional supremacy in Eurasia, following the relative establishment of political stability. it will certainly be a challenge for US policies in the region. China has cultural, economic and security links with some of the Eurasian countries, establishing itself as a great power by relying on worldwide economic power. These confrontations and disagreements with Washington's unilateral policies in the Eurasia geopolitical region with the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have become a strategic triangle for the establishment of a barrier policy. Review of Literature The term of geopolitics, as a controversial and ambiguous word, was first introduced by the Swedish scientist "Radolf Kilen" in the 1899 and in the concept of "knowledge of the analysis of geography and politics relationship" came to contemporary political geography field. Geopolitics is the study of international relations and contrasts concerning the geographies. In other words, the influence of geographical factors such as the location, distance, and distribution of natural and human resources on international relations is a geopolitical issue (Braden & Shelley, 2000: 5). Methodology Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis has been used for data analysis in which the classification, evaluation, comparison and analysis of the data are done to test the research hypothesis. The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical. Findings and Discussion Eurasia as the Earth's Heartland is a key pillar of world domination. Indeed, specific indicators of the strategic regions of the world should be sought in this region. This is as important fact as Mackinder says: "Any power that can dominate Eurasia can control the world" (Nazemroaya & Halliday, 2012: 67 68). The United States has placed the acquisition and consolidation of world hegemony in the forefront of its determination, actions, and foreign policy responses, and at this time seeks to maintain its position by preventing the emergence of a global challenge power and even the formation of an anti-hegemonic alliance. Therefore, it seeks to prevent the creation of anti-hegemon alliances with a different mix of Iran, Russia, China, and India by infiltrating Russia's backyard, controlling China, and communicating with their neighbours. In the new conditions of the international system in which any power is met with resistance, the Eurasian region has the most potential to form an anti-hegemon axis for encountering America. Countries such as Russia, China, and Iran that are recently recognized as primarily regional powers, and some political scholars believe they have the potential to form an anti-hegemon axis in the Eurasian region. Brzezinski warned that the emergence of a Eurasian hostile coalition could challenge American supremacy. The aggressive nature of US strategy is clearly evident in Brzezinski's remarks. He identified the potential Eurasian coalition as a potential anti-hegemonic coalition or North Atlantic anti-coalition formed by the help of Iran, Russia, and China coalition, with China at its center (Brzezinski, 1998: 32). In 1999, Beijing and Moscow were well aware of what was happening as well as future events. They were also well aware of US foreign policy. China and Russia signed a good neighbourly alliance and friendly collaboration on July 24, 2001. this happened less than two months after 9/11 events. A reciprocal defense alliance was established against NATO and the US, and a military network was established around China, pushing them beyond their territorial and bilateral defense integrity (Nazemroaya, 2012: 6- 7). As well as strengthening its military structure and capability in the domestic arena based on the principle of self-reliance, Iran has also had a presence in regional coalition and mechanisms which undoubtedly, the most important of them is Iran's presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as one of the most important and comprehensive regional security mechanisms in Central Eurasia. (Karami and Kozegar Kalaji, 1393: 141). Washington's strategy for Central Asia after 2014 is to build communications channels along infrastructure such as the Northern Distribution Network and the New Silk Road with the aim of laying the foundations for a long-term structural relationship in Central Asia for the period following its military withdrawal (Javadyarjmand & salaverzizade, 1396:281). By establishing and leading new international organizations, China and Russia are also trying to challenge US-led Western Organizations and institutions. Iran's formal accession to Tracey (Europe, Caucasus, Asia) is a major step in breaking isolationist policies against Iran as well as strengthening Iran's transit status and increasing trade volume in Iran's southern route ( Karami & Kouzegarkaleji, 1393:139). China is well aware that it is highly vulnerable to a US leadership military strike on oil resources. That is why China is expanding its naval bases, so it insists and presses repeatedly to build onshore energy corridors and oil terminals directly from Central Asia and the Russian Federation to China. China's cooperation with Iran, Russia and the Central Asian republics helps to create an inter-Asian energy path and the continued flow of energy to China may be blocked if the oversight of the high seas by the US-led navy. The debate that has been going on for years over the development of a natural gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan, India, and China is itself part of China's strategic policy (Conway & Nauman, 2011: 3). Conclusion Maintaining the hegemonic role of the United States in the unipolar world has been America's most important strategic goal from post-Cold War to contemporary era. The creation of military bases and various investments in large oil and gas projects in various parts of the world, including the Eurasian region, are examples of this effort to shape the new American order. This policy was carried out rapidly by the US and NATO in the early years of the 21st century without any serious opposition from the other powers. Although Brzezinski claims that until the next generation, America's standing as the world's sole power cannot be challenged by any rival power, Russia, China, and Iran, as the three most powerful and beneficiary countries in the region, has been dissatisfied with the action from Washington and NATO and the relative progress they have made over the past two decades; and they are trying to counter US and NATO policies and in turn strengthening their influence and capability in this geopolitical area. Preventing US pressure to isolate Iran, Russia, and China, gain greater maneuverability internationally in partnership with independent or dissatisfied governments, preventing NATO's influence and empowerment, investing in environmental and tourism issues, and participating in international gas and oil pipeline projects are among the most important collaborative efforts of the three countries against US hegemonic policies in Eurasia.

Geopolitical Analysis of the Functioning of the International Criminal Court on the Africa Continent

Meysam Gholami; Seyyed Mehdi Seyyedzadeh Sani

Volume 4, Issue 1 , October 2019, , Pages 63-95

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v4i1.82852

Abstract

Extended Abstract Introduction The International Criminal Court was set up on July 1, 2002, as the first permanent international tribunal to establish individual responsibility for all perpetrators of international crimes and to end Immunity of heads of state from prosecution. According to the ... Read More Extended Abstract Introduction The International Criminal Court was set up on July 1, 2002, as the first permanent international tribunal to establish individual responsibility for all perpetrators of international crimes and to end Immunity of heads of state from prosecution. According to the Statute and the purposes of the Tribunal, its jurisdiction must be exercised universally and without discrimination in respect of the offenses committed by its member States and nationals, as well as in cases referred to the Security Council. However, in spite of committing international crimes around the world, we find that the Tribunal focuses only on the crimes committed in the African continent Because of the ten out of twelve cases under consideration in the Tribunal, are in the African continent. The same issue has attracted a lot of criticism, especially from the heads of African governments, so that even some International Criminal Tribunals refer to it as the African International Criminal Court and the African governments believe that the power of the Court is Geopolitical issues and approaches that have existed for a long time have been confined to the African continent and incapable of investigating other crimes committed on other continents. Thus, the African governments have serious doubts about the Court's independence and impartiality, have raised political concerns about the Court's work and refuse to cooperate with the Court while threatening to withdraw from the Court. In this article, in response to the question of the extent to which the African government has criticized the Tribunal, it is necessary to first examine how the jurisdiction of the Tribunal is exercised and to answer the following questions: What is the role of the Tribunal in the majority of the aforementioned African State cases? What are the geopolitical reasons for the Court's focus on the African continent? What has the Tribunal done to commit crimes on other continents? Review of Literature It has been nearly two decades since the establishment of the International Criminal Court. During this period many books and articles have been written in this field. However, there has been no comprehensive study of the performance of the Tribunal in the special continent, and in particular in the African continent, has not been extensively studied by researchers, and only a few authors have briefly examined the African continent's case and the reactions of African heads of state to the performance of the Tribunal. What distinguishes the present work from all other works is that is not limited to examining the response of African governments to the functioning of the Tribunal, but it attempts to assess the Tribunal's violation of the Statute, in a more comprehensive view of the geopolitical reasons for the Court's focus on the African continent. The question of whether the Court's performance is politically motivated or not, as well as evaluating the Court's actions on other continents, will be examined. Therefore, the innovation and novelty aspects of research are considered. 3. Method The present research, which is among the theoretical fundamental researches due to its legal and political nature, is discussed from a geopolitical point of view. Accordingly, this study can be considered as an interdisciplinary study of international criminal and geopolitical law. The sources used in this research are, by its theoretical nature, documentary and library sources. 4. Findings and Discussion The Statute of the International Criminal Court was adopted on July 17, 1998 to deal with the criminalization of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression. The establishment of this permanent institution promised to reduce the incidence of these crimes. However, in accordance with the provisions of the Statute, including the Court's supplementary jurisdiction, the court became the "last resort". One of the main reasons for the supplementary jurisdiction of the Court is the concern of governments about the power of the Tribunal to violate national sovereignty and its involvement in matters concerning the criminal jurisdiction of national courts. Because the issue of prosecution of international crimes is closely linked to the sovereignty of states. Therefore, the statutes of the statute are designed to respect the national sovereignty of states and to add more states to the statute of the court. To date, there are 122 members of the Tribunal; 33 are African, 18 are Asia-Pacific, 18 are Eastern European, 28 are Latin American and Caribbean, and 25 are Western European and other countries. However, the Court's review of its performance indicates that the Court has failed to meet its universal purpose. Because the Court's consideration of situation and cases indicates that the Court is focused on the African continent, and African governments believe that the Court's power has long been limited to the African continent due to geopolitical issues and approaches. It has not been able to investigate other crimes committed on other continents. Conclusion Based on the result of this study, the criticism of why the Tribunal does not deal with crimes committed elsewhere in the world is based on the Court's performance. However, the investigative phase is only one step in the Court and prior to that; there is a preliminary assessment of the situation. At present, several situations are in the process of evaluation, most of which concern non-African countries. However, in view of the Court's jurisdiction in the Statute, the African Government's criticism of the Court's lack of geopolitical focus on the African continent does not apply. Because of the ten Situation African states, five in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic one and two and Mali by the African governments themselves, two by Libya and Sudan by the Security Council, and only three by the Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya and Burundi have been investigated by the prosecutor. In addition, the following can be cited as rejecting the African government's criticism of the Court's focus on the African continent. The first is due to the geopolitical and deplorable state of Africa itself compared to other continents. The second reason relates to the functioning of the Security Council, which is often accompanied by political and discriminatory considerations. The Security Council has so far only referred the situation in the African continent (Sudan and Libya) to the Tribunal. The third reason relates to the Statute of the Tribunal because the Tribunal is unable to deal with all crimes within its jurisdiction due to financial and administrative constraints.

Specifying the Pattern of Tension Based on Geopolitical Resources in Interstate Relations

Rebaz Ghorbaninejad

Volume 3, Issue 3 , January 2019, , Pages 133-156

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v3i9.78432

Abstract

Extended Abstract Introduction Terms and concepts of tension, challenge, dispute, conflict and crisis are commonly used in the literature of political geography and geopolitics and international relations. And they are often used to express types of hostile relations between two countries or rival ... Read More Extended Abstract Introduction Terms and concepts of tension, challenge, dispute, conflict and crisis are commonly used in the literature of political geography and geopolitics and international relations. And they are often used to express types of hostile relations between two countries or rival powers. Geography and geopolitics of every region play a major role in the establishment of peaceful and friendly relations among nations, or tension and conflict over that region. In other words, the root of many conflicts and tensions in countries relations is in the geographical and geopolitical features. At present, there is no single general theory about tension and conflict accepted by scientists or experts in other fields of political sciences or experts from whom political scientists have inspired. There is no way to determine the source of conflict or war, because not only they are numerous, but also they have been gradually increased. The research hypothesis is that most of the theories presented by professionals and scholars relating to the sources of tension and conflict between countries have uni-factor or multifactor essence and none of them have succeeded in providing a comprehensive theoretical model. Accordingly, this paper by using descriptive-analytic approaches and using library resources attempts to assess and evaluate theories related to the origins of conflict and tension between countries and by the means of criticism and analysis of theories provides a new theory in the field of factors causing conflict in countries relations. Review of Literature The term tension refers to a set of attitudes and tendencies such as distrust and suspicion which people and policy makers have toward others. Tension does not cause conflict by itself, but it enables different parties to show behavior based on conflict if each of them tries to achieve incompatible objectives (Holsti,1991). Conflict is different from tension. Tension usually refers to a hidden hostility, fear, suspicion, and perhaps refers to a desire of dominance or revenge. However, tension does not exceed the level of attitudes and perceptions and does not include mutual deterrent efforts. Although tension often precedes conflict and it is always involved in it, it is not always synonymous with conflict and it is not always consistent with cooperation. However, causes of tension are likely to be related to the causes of conflict. Furthermore, if tension is sufficiently intensified, depending on the extent of its influence on the decision making process, it may be converted independently to contributing factors or outbreak of conflict. Many of the underlying causes of tension and conflict between countries are considered in the realm of geographical and geopolitical factors and values. In other words, although occurring conflicts between countries may be affected by political or ideological factors, the vast majority of tensions and conflicts between countries have geographical origin and geographical values are the roots in the perceived national interests of the parties. Even if ideological and political factors are well analyzed, it becomes clear that such factors are also directly or indirectly have geopolitical nature. Method This article is based on descriptive-analytic technique and the data collection procedure is generally based on library research. In library research, the emphasis has been put on the examination of documents, reference to the relevant domestic and foreign books, periodicals and newspapers, articles, magazines and internet websites. After data collection and classification, the data analysis has been mainly carried out using descriptions based on logic and reasoning. Results and Discussion Model presented by Hypothetica from Peter Hagget is an attempt to study geographical factors causing tension in relations between countries. This model involves a hypothetical country called The Hypothetica which has a set of specific conditions causing disputes with its neighbors. The hypothetical country is landlocked and has potential twelve points causing tension in relations with its neighbors (Hogget, 1983, 2001). Hagget presented this model for the first time in 1972 in the first edition of his book Geography: A Modern Synthesis. This model has been mentioned without any change in subsequent editions of the book in 1975, 1995 and 1983. Also, in a new book by Hagget called Geography: A Global Synthesis which was published in 2001, this issue has been mentioned (Hogget, 1972, 1975, 1983, 1995, 2001). In his model, Hagget has mentioned geographical and geopolitical factors causing tension between countries, and compared to other theories, has put more emphasis on spatial and regional variables. However, Hagget’s model lacks the variables related to environmental, ecological and geo-economic resources that cause tension. Hence, we cannot consider it as a comprehensive model. Since geopolitics is the study of the mutual relationships of geography, power, and politics and accounts for consequences resulting from their interaction (Hafeznia, 2006), a model that can explain all sources of tension between counties should include all variables related to three parameters of geography, power and politics. The main drawback of all models is that they consider only one aspect of geopolitics and they have failed to account for all dimensions. According to this view and authors of this article, a model that can explain geopolitical causes of tension and conflict in relations must simultaneously include cultural and geo-cultural, geo-strategic, political, territorial and boundary disputes, geo-economic, hydro-political, environmental and cyberspace related variables. Each of these groups has several objective and subjective variables which dependently or independently pave the way for tension and conflict between countries. In this classification we have tried to include all geopolitical factors that cause tension and conflict in relations between countries and every factor causing tension and conflict is listed. Thus, we can conclude that this model, to some extent, has the capability to account for all geopolitical sources of tension and conflict in relations between countries. Conclusion By looking at theories proposed by experts in the fields of geography, geopolitics, political sciences and international relations in relation to factors that cause tension and conflict in relations between countries, we come to the conclusion that none of these theories have been able to account for all of geopolitical sources which cause tension and have only explained part of these factors. In other words, they have a uni-factor or multi-factor perspective towards the problem and, therefore, they cannot be considered as a comprehensive theory and model in this context. Meanwhile, Peter Hogget (1972) and John Collins (1998) have tried to take a comprehensive and multi-dimensional look at the issues of tension and conflict between countries, and in their theories, they have pointed out different variables such as strategic, cultural, economic, environmental and hydro-political factors. However, they have also failed to provide a model that account for all geopolitical sources that cause tension in relation between countries. According to this view, a model that can explain the causes of tension and conflict in relations between countries should simultaneously take into account cultural, geo-cultural, geo-strategic, and territorial and boundary disputes, geo-economic, hydro-political, environmental variables and factors related to the functioning of cyberspace. Each of these groups has several objective and subjective variables which dependently or independently pave the way for tension and conflict between countries.

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Explanation of Appropriate Functioning of Rational Positivist Methodology in Studying Applied Geopolitics

Ehsan Lashgari

Volume 2, Issue 3 , October 2017, , Pages 55-77

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v2i6.61812

Abstract

Extended Abstract 1. Introduction Geopolitics is one of the geographic sciences branches which can be discussed at various methodological schools. By the middle of the 20th century, dominant geopolitical theories and frameworks were often based on the objective aspects of geography and its impact ... Read More Extended Abstract 1. Introduction Geopolitics is one of the geographic sciences branches which can be discussed at various methodological schools. By the middle of the 20th century, dominant geopolitical theories and frameworks were often based on the objective aspects of geography and its impact on political relations between countries and blocks of power. However, observing the weakness of geopolitical predictions and the lack of response to many contradictions, thinkers moved to new theoretical frameworks in geopolitics. This shift has caused the spread of interpretive methodology to geopolitical studies. However, the excessive use of the idealistic methodology could cause the lack of attention to the issues and challenges in places and regions. However, today, more than past, applied studies in geographic sciences are carried out in positivism method. Therefore, applied geopolitical studies are still more feasible in the positivism school because when the propositions are referred to the objective world, the causation and prediction in dimension of methodology become operational. Now, the question that arises is which applied geopolitics will be closer to the approach of positivism school (inductive or deductive approaches) for better optimization? 2. Theoretical Framework Geopolitics is based on the role of geography in the international relation which analyzes the domination of actors and governments in this context. From a geopolitical view, governments and political actors compete to gain opportunities in geographical space. They try to expand their influence on important spaces. Deductive approach discusses the necessities for scientific recognition and the definition of "coherent systems" that exist in geopolitical studies. The logic behind deductive approach consists of definite arguments while the logic of inductive approach is based on probable inferences. In this methodology, the condition for the applicability of geopolitics is based on inferential and rational methods for studying geopolitical developments in different places and regions. Based on this methodological framework, there are fixed collections based on which it is possible to explain and predict the geopolitical changes while, some indexes such as the kind of political system are also influential in geopolitical studies that eliminate inductive generalizations. Obviously, in accordance with the conditions of international relations, the combination of these two features leads the dimensions of geopolitical studies towards a rational proof-making methodology. From the deductive perspective, inferential rationality has potential to identify and distinguish historically the spatial policies in geopolitical studies. 3. Methodology This article intends to explain the optimal functions of deductive methodology in descriptive-analytical approach. In the first stage, it tries to explain the deductive methodology and geopolitical concept. Then, the epistemological ability of deductive methodology has been analyzed in comparison with interpretive and inductive methods in Geopolitical studies particularly after the cold war. 4. Results and Discussion The Findings reveal that the content of geopolitics has some conceptual principles that exclusively require a deductive methodology. The most important principles are as follows: A: Deductive explanation, and differentiation in the geopolitical value of places and regions According to the views of many geopolitical thinkers, identifying the important regions and places in the world has been one of the studying goals. It has been done based on a rational positivist approach. Intrinsically, the distinction between the geopolitical significance of places and geographical areas is inherent in the geopolitical structure of the world. In the first step, the importance of geographical places should be highlighted in the deductive approach to predict the political behavior of governments and actors. Basically, in the transnational scale, the spatial threats are not considered as the impartial stimuli and these are often explained by deductive logic. B- Deductive explanation and connotation in geopolitical studies The deductive approach could help to predict the geopolitical developments in the world. With this method the scholars of international relations and geopolitics do not explain the historical events merely. Because such statements directly refer to the external conditions and express the real and objective characteristics. C- The end of the Cold War and the increasing value of the deductive approach in geopolitical studies After the Cold War and with the end of the ideological competition, the ideological value of the regions did not merely cause competition, security, and strategy, but they were the resources available in the geopolitical structure of the world that credited them. From this perspective, the competition model has a completely geopolitical, objective, and predictable content. Therefore, although a super authority is not dominant over the global system, there are self-regulating mechanisms that can be explained in geopolitical systems and the behavior of governments and affecting actors in the transnational area can be explained based on the deductive rationality. 5. Conclusions Most of the applied geographic studies have recognized the causes of these phenomena in geographic space as objective phenomena. Geopolitics also studies the objective concepts in space that produce political action between countries in transnational scale. Of course, unlike the national scale, there is no centralized political power and sovereignty for governing the space in the transnational scale. Thus, the deductive methodology should be applied to study geopolitics, because anticipating and monitoring the behavior of states and actors based on the quantitative techniques in the transnational scale are not possible. Politics has a qualitative and variable nature and it is necessary to use a deductive approach.

Epistemological Explanation of the Concept and Nature of Geopolitics

Mahmoud Vasegh; Seyyed Abbas Ahmadi; Mohammadreza Hafeznia; Seyyed Mohammad Isanedjad

Volume 2, Issue 2 , July 2017, , Pages 65-85

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v2i8.70362

Abstract

Extended abstract 1. Introduction Nowadays, the term geopolitics is widely used in various fields of study, and is used to analyze and explain political and geographical events at different levels. Unfortunately, despite the widespread use of this term, due to the dominance of the functionalist approach ... Read More Extended abstract 1. Introduction Nowadays, the term geopolitics is widely used in various fields of study, and is used to analyze and explain political and geographical events at different levels. Unfortunately, despite the widespread use of this term, due to the dominance of the functionalist approach in geopolitical studies, theoretical and conceptual dimension of geopolitics has been neglected and has not been considered so much by the experts. Therefore, some questions like what geopolitics is and what its notion is remain unanswered. The purpose of this article is to provide answers to the above questions through paying attention to the theoretical and epistemological dimensions of geopolitics, and due to the lack of theoretical research in this field, this article intends to provide a meaningful explanation of the nature and meaning of this term. 2 .Theoretical Framework When we talk about science, of course, we must be in the realm of philosophy. In other words, what is stated, if be meticulous and exploratory, needs to be in the realm of philosophy of science. From the perspective of the philosophy of science, the new science has two logico and empirico attributes. Indeed, two pillars of the new science are logic-rationality and observation-experience. The problem is the inception of science. Science in the solution of the problems grows through the creation of hypotheses. The absence of problems equals the lack of science. Every epistemic is knowledge of something, but epistemology is a cognition of self-knowledge. Epistemology is a cognition which, by deliberation of knowledge, discusses about the possibilities, types, ways, realms and the validity of it. The most important topic of epistemology is the discussion of the value and validity of knowledge and truth or falsity of propositions. The term geopolitics was first introduced in 1899 by Johan Rudolf Kjellén. Historically, since Aristotle, the influence of geographic factors on politics has been considered. In the medieval, thinkers such as Montesquieu and in the Islamic civilization, Ibn Khaldūn and others have discussed about this issue. In general, it can be told that geopolitics studies international relations and conflicts from a geographical perspective. 3 .Method This paper, because of its philosophical nature, is a fundamental-theoretical research, and in terms of purpose, it is a part of the problem-solving study (solving the philosophical - mental problems). According to its theoretical nature, the sources used in this paper are document and library resources. This paper has been developed within the framework of studies on the philosophy of science with a realistic approach and in the form of logical and epistemological descriptions and analyzes. The methodological accost to developing this research is critical rationalism. It is clear that this paper is written in the form of scientific-research articles. 4. Discussion Geopolitik (Swedish equivalent of Geopolitics) is a solid compound noun. Unlike most compound words in European languages, it was not a bygone word, and it is not much older. Johan Rudolf Kjellén invented the term in 1899 under the influence of Friedrich Ratzel's doctrines. This word consists of two sections Geo (γη or γαια) and Politik (πολιτικα). Both sections are original Greek words and come from Latin to new European languages. However, how is this word from an epistemological perspective? As mentioned, this term is compound in nature, and consists of two distinct parts of Geo and Polytic. These two sections are different in nature. The first section, Geo, is a concrete, general, and essential phenomenon, but the second section, Politik, is not an essential phenomenon, rather it is an abstract and a dummy phenomenon (i.e., made by humans). According to this argument, the ratio of knowledge and value dominates between these two sections, and they relate to the subject of concrete and abstract theorems. Thus, in such a framework, the relationship between these two sections can be explained in this compound word. 5. Conclusion But how we can analyzed geopolitics epistemological nature? The geopolitics concept is the product of three categories: Geographic Resources, At least two agents and the existence of a relationship of interaction, opposition, competition and domination between agents. All three cases are objective facts; however the concept of geopolitics is subjective and created in the mind. In the context of Geopolitics’ conceptualization from the epistemological point of view, it must be said that this concept is created in the mind and with the help of reason by making a comparison between the three realities of Geographic source, at least two actors and the relation of interaction, opposition, competition and domination among them. Naturally, these three objective facets are concrete phenomena and make the geopolitics’ conceptual structure a rational abstract phenomenon. The result of concrete and abstract combinations is nothing but an abstract combination. Due to the dual nature of the geopolitics’ components, (i.e., the concrete Geo and abstract politik), the combination of two parts of geopolitics itself will be an abstract phenomenon.

The Exploitation of Geopolitical Components Affecting Humanitarian Intervention Based on Geopolitical Viewpoints and Theories and Humanitarian Intervention

Sayyedeh Samireh Hosseini; Mohsen Janparvar; Escander Moradi

Volume 2, Issue 1 , June 2017, , Pages 137-163

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v2i5.65954

Abstract

Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The human rights is one of the most important and influential issues in international relations. The idea of human rights protecting has been considered as the fight against oppression and injustice from a long time ago. Human rights concepts can include fundamental ... Read More Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The human rights is one of the most important and influential issues in international relations. The idea of human rights protecting has been considered as the fight against oppression and injustice from a long time ago. Human rights concepts can include fundamental concepts such as "the right to life, the prohibition of torture, the prohibition of slavery, the prohibition of racial discrimination, freedom of expression, opinion, religion, the employment right, etc.”, each of these concepts has different interpretations in different cultures and cannot be interpreted by one state for all individuals in different societies. The right to life is the most important and the most prominent right of mankind which is supported by the different states through humanitarian intervention. In addition to the human rights debate, there are other factors influence this intervention and maybe it can be said that human rights is only the cover for this effort. Geopolitical components are among these factors. These components have encouraged countries to appear in specific spaces covered as humanitarian intervention. 2. Theoretical Framework Geopolitical factors imply the set of factors and geographic components that somehow affect the policy. These factors increase or decrease from space to space and over time due to developments. Values and geographic factors have a dual nature in terms of structure or function. That is, a geographic factor for a human or human group may be considered positive, while the same factor is considered negative for another group or individual. The structural and functional identity of the factors is not constant and stable, meaning that a factor in the context of time may be transformed or, has different values in the view of different human groups. The humanitarian intervention in its classical sense means a state uses armed force against another state to protect the lives and liberties of the late nation who are not willing or able to do so. Humanitarian intervention, in terms of protected individuals, includes other types; That is, any use of force by a state against another is also discussed as humanitarian intervention in order to protect the lives and freedom of its citizens within that country or third-country nationals against inhumane treatment. 3. Methodology The main method of this research is descriptive-analytic. The information was gathered in the Internet and field- library method. A questionnaire was used in the field method. The questionnaire was given to the elites and academic experts in the field of geopolitics. In this regard, the formula with a confidence level of 99% has been used to determine the sample size in a limited population. Then, 20 questionnaires were collected and evaluated. Meanwhile, a variety of validation tests were used to test the validity and reliability of the questions. The reliability of the questionnaire was examined through Cronbach's test. It showed that Cronbach's alpha is closer to 1 for different dimensions and is more than 0.7%. Accordingly, it could be said that the questionnaire has the necessary reliability. SPSS software was used to analyze geopolitical theories and humanitarian intervention using a questionnaire. In this conclusion, the indices that have received above medium-average (three) have been accepted as a geopolitical component affecting humanitarian intervention, indices have less than that average despite affecting humanitarian intervention have not been considered as a geopolitical component and put away. 4. Findings and Discussion In the present study, it has been attempted to extract the geopolitical factors influencing humanitarian interventions from theories and views related to geopolitics and humanitarian intervention. These studies showed that 47 factors were extracted in four sections including geographical factors, economic factors, political factors, and demographic factors as the factors affecting humanitarian interventions. 28 indicators of these geopolitical factors affect the humanitarian intervention in geographical areas. Geopolitical factors are among the most important factors influencing humanitarian interventions. Awareness and recognizing these factors will make it easier for statesmen to intervene and make decisions. Furthermore, the impact of these factors varies depending on the views of each state so that they can have positive or negative effects for the intervener.

The Scope of Postmodern Geopolitics Studies

Fatemeh Mirahmdariadi; Yashar Zaki

Volume 1, Issue 3 , November 2016, , Pages 95-128

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v3i3.57479

Abstract

Extended abstract 1. Introduction Post-modernism is amongst those paradigms that has recently penetrated into many fields with its theoretical innovations and critical streams. As an academic field of study, political geography has been undoubtedly influenced by this movement. Within the field of political ... Read More Extended abstract 1. Introduction Post-modernism is amongst those paradigms that has recently penetrated into many fields with its theoretical innovations and critical streams. As an academic field of study, political geography has been undoubtedly influenced by this movement. Within the field of political geography, ostmodernism has mostly affected geopolitics, shaking most of its basic assumptions which has, accordingly, made a fundamental re-conceptualization essential. By reviewing the intellectual and philosophical foundation of postmodern geopolitics, the present article attempts to determine what topics are included in the study of postmodern geopolitics. 2. Methodology This study is of theoretical-fundamental type with a descriptive-analytic research methodology. Given the nature of selected subject matter, required information was collected through library and internet research, meaning that the data were extracted from books and articles and then classified for more qualitative analysis. 3. Results and Discussion In order to understand the nature of postmodern geopolitics, one should first know its intellectual and philosophical foundation. Postmodern topics within the field of political geography and geopolitics have been influenced by general postmodern discussions in social sciences as well as human geography itself. “Post-modernism”, in general, refers to some criticisms related to the project of modernism and also a break from it; and stands as a rebellion against the modern rationality and modernist epistemology. It is difficult to write about postmodernism or postmodern turn; because it is almost impossible to find an uncontroversial definition for the word ‘postmodern’. Nonetheless, there are two general perceptions of postmodernism. First, the perception of postmodernism in a linguistic-cultural-philosophical context based on which postmodernism, more than anything, is the rejection of grand narratives and epistemologies of modernity. This understanding of postmodernism, which has gradually been intermingled with post-structuralist, post-colonialist, and feminist views, is determined by deconstructive, textual-lingual, and discourse approaches and is often considered as skeptic to metanarratives. The second perception of postmodernism deals with changes of the world itself and provides necessary cognitive tools for exploring these changes. Such changes as globalization of many economic processes, technology revolution, spatial dissemination of certain consumption models, fragmentation of cultures, emergence of myriad political and cultural issues, victory of flexible accumulation regime in capitalism, and debilitation of governments’ sovereignty are considered as the closure of one era and emergence of a new ‘postmodern’ society and culture. Postmodernity, in this understanding, is deemed to be a new stage in the development of capitalism and a production of the change of global capitalism. Thus, postmodernism examines the changes created under the influence of global capitalism change. 4. Conclusion There is no general consensus regarding the “postmodern geopolitics”. However, two general routes can be recognized in postmodern geopolitics; first, skepticism towards metanarratives; and second, studying the consequences of undermining the modern geopolitical imagination. In the former approach to postmodern geopolitics, resulting from perception of postmodern in a cultural-linguistic-philosophical context, geopolitics is deconstructed. Accordingly, classical geopolitical theories are considered as metanarratives and discourses within them the reality are produced and phenomena have become meaningful. These theories as a kind of language game, shaped by theorists in the light of a specific discourse in a specific period of time, are skepticized and deconstructed. Therefore, postmodern geopolitics haunts the reality beyond discourses and metanarratives and is interpreted as the negation of essentialism, foundationalism and certainty in geopolitics. This approach has been intermingled with and absorbed into post-structuralist, post-colonialist and feminist views. The second understanding of postmodern geopolitics deals with studying the consequences of undermining the modern geopolitical imagination and recent phase of capitalism development. In that regard, in their geopolitical analyses, political geographers address such issues as: space of streams and deterritorialization due to time-space compression and its consequences for geopolitical analyses, governance crisis, importance of time factor and such topics as infopolitics and chronopolitics, importance of scale factor and internal continuity of spatial scales instead of focusing on the unique and singular scale, collapse of expectations of enlightenment and its consequences for such issues as meaning and objective of nation-state, established territorialization and technical-scientific advance within a fixed international order, and postmodern spaces.

The Geopolitical Pathology of Iran's Administrative Divisions in Terms of Spatial Planning

Mostafa Rashidi; Abass Alipour; Ruhollah Hosseinvand Shokri; Mostafa Saeedzadeh

Volume 1, Issue 3 , November 2016, , Pages 155-186

https://doi.org/10.22067/pg.v3i3.59052

Abstract

Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The political divisions of a country is the political and managerial forms of the national space. Actually, the national administrative divisions determine the position of each part of the terrestrial plane in the spatial structure of the country. Therefore, the administrative ... Read More Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The political divisions of a country is the political and managerial forms of the national space. Actually, the national administrative divisions determine the position of each part of the terrestrial plane in the spatial structure of the country. Therefore, the administrative divisions should be adjusted and set according to the principles and frameworks of the geographic objectivity for optimal efficiency which is leading to provide a strategic geographic model based on the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. This focus on the geographical logic in drawing the political boundaries of the interior is based on the view of organizing and aligning the territory at the national, regional and local level. In this regard, one of the important issues that has never been addressed in Iran's development plans is the issue of regionalization and political divisions of space as a framework for territorial planning. Failure to pay attention to this fundamental geographical and political reality is resulted from the weakness of the theoretical foundation as well as the operational structure of development plans in the country. Therefore, the upright and realistic administrative divisions require the generation of theoretical and scientific frameworks based on concepts and geopolitical scales at the local, national, and even transnational level in order to achieve an effective operational and practical structure in the planning of sustainable development subject to the national space. On the other hand, the lack of special attention to the political organization of special planning and administrative divisions also have brought smaller importance of about territorial affairs, and consequently the weakness of the administrative divisions. So that the present paper tends to address the geopolitical pathology of administrative divisions in Iran based upon the geographic logic and realities with the approach of organizing and aligning the land. The basic question of this research is: What are the weaknesses of the administrative divisions in terms of geography and land use? How is its geopolitical consequences and obstacles in the country? 2. Theoretical Framework The main method of study in geography is combinational. It means that geographers for the recognition and zoning of the area (two major fields of geographic studies) are obliged to study and identify all the features and phenomena in place. Through this study, geographers are enabled to simultaneously recognize the "synoptic" of the all features of the place, and also determine typical feature of the dominant phenomena. Therefore, the recognition of the structural components, elements, and factors that are effective in the environment is a prerequisite and precondition for any thoughtful movement of human beings to carry out a management on the environment. Geography is the science and art of the constructive engagement with the environment and geographical space along with a sagacious management, in order to meet both human requirements and the sustainability of environment leading to achieve a sustainable interaction with geographical space. The result would be the development of humanity along with the environmental sustainability. The relationship between spatial planning and geography can show different implication. Accordingly, geography can be used to explain the type of settlement, population distribution, and activity in the land issues, while the Spatial Planning would be to consider the relationship between these elements. In geography and Spatial Planning, there are three basic elements to be studied: human, space, and activity. In any case, the undeniable subject is the high and sever relationship between "geography" and "Spatial Planning". In other words, it could be stated that geography the most scientifically-based Spatial Planning, and the "Spatial Planning" is the most geographical form of planning. In political geography or geopolitics, in order to observe geographical logic, it is necessary to pay attention to the planning of land in different stages. Political geography or geopolitics, which studies from boundary and zoning to political behaviors and practices in geographic spaces, requires fulfilment of the geography rules and Spatial Planning concepts. One of the requirements of geopolitics is to consider the realties of the geographic boundaries and zoning, the political divisions, and in general, the political organization of the space, that leads this branch of geographic sciences to the rules and principles of fulfillment of Spatial Planning. In order to realize the desirable organization of space and to design and operationalize the logical divisions of the country's space on national and local scales, the performance should be on the basis of geopolitical knowledge of space and Spatial Planning. This means the integration of geopolitics and the Spatial Planning as two areas of geographic sciences in order to achieve a political organization of the space which is suitable and favorable for administrative divisions. The focus of this paper is, therefore, on the geopolitical pathology of administrative divisions in Iran, which have been payed no attention to integrate the geopolitics and Spatial Planning issues into the administrative divisions. 3. Methodology Since this article tends to provide an analysis of the relationship between Spatial Planning and administrative divisions as well as address the pathology of national divisions in terms of Spatial Planning, it is considered as a developmental research which gives its practical value for relevant organizations, and it is an applied research as well. This research is also scribed in a descriptive analytical manner. Data are also collected in a library and documentary manner, and also with reference to reputable online databases such as the Provincial Council and the Ministry of the Interior Affairs. 4. Findings and Discussion One of the considerable issues regarding country's territorial planning in Iran is the lack of attention to the principles and realities of geography in the country's political divisions. Lack of paying attention to this important issue has led to the formation of a political division not according to the geographical realities and principals. This inconsistency was shaped by the land planning in the modern epoch of the arrival of Pahlavi, and in particular from 1937 onwards. Consequently, in the findings section of the research the authors consider the inconsistency of the current Iranian divisions with regard to the geographical divisions (both natural and human), as well as the lack of attention to the structural factors in the political organization of space and national divisions, including shape, extent, and unbalanced establishment of provincial centers to conclude that the weaknesses and problems in this area directly affects the development, security, and spatial distribution of the country in a negative way.

Volume 8 (2023)

Volume 7 (2022)

Volume 6 (2021)

Volume 5 (2021)

Volume 4 (2019)

Volume 3 (2019)

Volume 2 (2017)

Volume 1 (2017)

Keywords = geopolitics

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