Hossein Rabiei
Abstract
Borders, as much as a barrier to delineation and separation, can be a factor in the action and interaction of the frontiersman and the bridge to connect the inhabitants of the two sides of the border. Depending on the policy of governments, there are different forms of bordering in the world. Despite ...
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Borders, as much as a barrier to delineation and separation, can be a factor in the action and interaction of the frontiersman and the bridge to connect the inhabitants of the two sides of the border. Depending on the policy of governments, there are different forms of bordering in the world. Despite a relatively short history, the border issues between Iran and Turkmenistan have been many fluctuations. Prior to the independence of Turkmenistan, the Soviet border were ideological border and were heavily protected and controlled. At the beginning of the independence of Turkmenistan, an agreement was reached with the aim of establishing bilateral engagement for the passage of residents across the border, and there are now many restrictions on the movement of the border residents. This article tries to examine the factors and background of this fluctuations. At first, theoretical discussions on border studies and border management are presented, and then some examples of border management realities in the region are described. Turkmenistan's domestic policy seems to have had the greatest impact on the current situation.This article, by observing the field, interviews border guards and border residents, as well as some library data, analyzes the borderline flow on this frontier.
Mohammad Raoof Heidari Far; Negin Rasoli
Abstract
America's political strategy and norms in dealing with countries are not uniform and have a different nature, and the US strategy in the Middle East as one of the most geopolitical and geoeconomic areas has not been excluded. Different religions, oil and gas resources, the formation of the State of Israel, ...
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America's political strategy and norms in dealing with countries are not uniform and have a different nature, and the US strategy in the Middle East as one of the most geopolitical and geoeconomic areas has not been excluded. Different religions, oil and gas resources, the formation of the State of Israel, regional and global rivalries of major powers such as China and Russia, Iran's nuclear issues, etc. have caused the US to pay more attention to its international equations in the Middle East. In this study, the reasons for changing and diversifying US strategies towards Middle East with Iran's focus were investigated. The research method is descriptive-field research and the research hypotheses were investigated using Spearman correlation method, model closest to ideal solution (topsis) and Shiite geoculture and questionnaire adjustment. The results of the study showed that most of all, adopting different US strategies and insisting on staying in the Middle East is the question of its current and future energy supply for its industries (sig = 0.304), Also in terms of geopolitical weight among the Middle East countries is Iran (Di = 0.14356), which has attracted most US strategic attention, In other words, the biggest obstacle to achieving US goals is Iran, And finally, the Shiite geoculture is one of the most important factors that make US policies (especially Israel, the energy market and the presence of Russian and Chinese rivals) in the region particularly problematic in Shiite countries.
Ehsan Lashgari
Abstract
Social identity is a historical phenomenon and is influenced by political and social processes at any given time, resulting in a distinct form of homogeneous social identity. In other words, social common identity refers to the creation of a belonging sense to a specific political-social territory and ...
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Social identity is a historical phenomenon and is influenced by political and social processes at any given time, resulting in a distinct form of homogeneous social identity. In other words, social common identity refers to the creation of a belonging sense to a specific political-social territory and it is the result of the deliberate efforts of a political class to create a tool that facilitates the preservation of power and the exercise of governance. In the Afsharid era between 1736 – 1796, militarism has played an important role in uniting scattered tribal-ethnic components in Iran. Since there are few studies on the functioning of the Afsharid regime's militarism and its role in creating a sense of belonging to the territory of the people, this article attempts to formulate the concept of common social identity in Iran during the era of Nader Shah Afshar relying on the interpretive method. In this regard, the components affecting the concept of common social identity in the land of Iran through Nader Shah's military approach in creating a sense of territorial belonging in Iran are examined by analyzing the socio-political text of this period. The results of the research show that the direction of building a common social identity in this period was deeply influenced by the military approaches of the government. And the factors such as geopolitical alienation with the eastern neighbors, especially the Gurkans of India, the political military compulsion to bring the teachings of Shi’a and Sunni closer to building a great Islamic empire and validating the military forces of the tribes were the most important components of creating a common social identity during this period.
Esmeil Alamdar; Elahe Koolaee
Abstract
The countries of Iran and Russia have been two important hubs on the two sides of the Caspian Sea, located in the regions of Hartland and the Rimland. The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of these countries to other countries in the region has led to a dynamic role in the political equations ...
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The countries of Iran and Russia have been two important hubs on the two sides of the Caspian Sea, located in the regions of Hartland and the Rimland. The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of these countries to other countries in the region has led to a dynamic role in the political equations of Central Asia and the Caucasus. Since today power and geopolitical weight in international relations has become more and more important, Russia is regarded as a global power and Iran as a regional power, the two countries have always apply this factor of power in their policies. The realism theory of Hans Morgenthau, which emphasizes the balance of power and the role of power factor, is a proof of this claim. Geopolitics is the study of the interaction of geography, power and politics, and the actions they bring together. The most common boundary between geopolitical knowledge and international relations can be found in the theory of realism. Morgentha, as one of the theorists of international relations, believed that international politics was governed by universal and objective laws based on national and national interests, and not on the psychological drivers of decision-makers. Based on this theory, statesmen think and act within the framework of their own interests defined as power. The research methodology is descriptive-analytic. First, the required information was collected using library method and by referring to authoritative sources, books and articles. Then, a geopolitical analysis of the relations between Russia and Iran after the Islamic Revolution was discussed on the basis of Morgenth's theory. This research tries to answer the research question; is the doctrine of Russia's powers of power and hegemony changed before the collapse and seeking global peace and security? Or is it seeking national interests and the expansion of vital space through close relations with Iran in regional and global affairs? During the post-revolution period, relations between Iran and Russia in general and in the past decades, in particular, have not reached a strategic level because of the wrong believes of the Russian scholars and government towards Iran and, conversely, the wrong believes civil society and people of Iran towards Russia. Relations between the two countries have developed in the post-Islamic revolution in various fields. Iran and Russia pursue national goals and unique geopolitical codes in their foreign policy, and regulate all their regional and global movements based on this geopolitical compass. Russia is trying to maintain and extend its national interests with Iranian support in the region of Southwest Asia and Central Asia and the Caucasus. On the other hand, Iran has, more than ever, been cooperating with the Russians over the past decade due to establishing a common point with Russia in pursuit of its ideological and national security strategies. From the point of view of analyzes based on the realist approach in international relations, the close proximity of political relations between the two countries can be interpreted in the need for a balance of power or a common threat from the United States. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran is trying to maintain its regional strength against Saudi Arabia and Turkey in the southwest of Asia. The convergence of common goals in regional issues between Iran and Russia has made the two countries more closely aligned with each other. Although Russia has had a double cooperation with Iran to fight ISIS and to prevent the influence of this Takfiri terrorist group on its borders and geostrategic territories (which are considered as geopolitical interests), its main goal to expand its hegemony globally and rival NATO and leave it out of the geostrategic bottleneck in the world make Russia to work together with Iran in various ways. From the analysis of various aspects of Iran-Russia foreign relations can conclude that the Russian federative republic is a tactical ally and can be regarded as an ugly attitude in the field of foreign relations. Russia pursues its own interests, regardless of Iran's interests.
Mohammad Reza Mofatteh; Abdolreza Faraji Rad; Ribaz Ghorbaninejad; Azam Yousefi
Abstract
Diplomacy is the most important aspects and the most objective forms of a country's foreign policy. This research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive, analytical and exploratory in terms of research method. This study uses ARC GIS software to implement the leveling of national power in the ...
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Diplomacy is the most important aspects and the most objective forms of a country's foreign policy. This research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive, analytical and exploratory in terms of research method. This study uses ARC GIS software to implement the leveling of national power in the target countries (in the GIS environment). It also uses the AHP model to weight the sub-components of public diplomacy. Also, in this study Moran's test has been used to spatially analyze the pattern of distribution of national power indicators, and also the Meta-SWOT method has been used to provide a stable spatial pattern, and 36 sub-components (indices) has been used for the spatial analysis and stratification of Southwest Asian countries based on the public diplomacy component. The findings shows the fact that the countries of Syria and Armenia have played a significant role in increasing the geopolitical weight of Iran and are very important, as well as the countries of Iraq and Georgia are in a position of high importance, and the countries of Turkey, Azerbaijan and Qatar are in a position of medium importance. The UAE, Kuwait, Jordan and Cyprus are in a low-important position. According to the analysis, the results show the fact that the component of public diplomacy follows a cluster pattern. The similar political behavior of the Persian Gulf countries in relation to Iran is one of the geopolitical reasons for this cluster distribution. By strengthening this axis (public diplomacy) the countries of Lebanon, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Turkey and Qatar can also be added to the list of very important countries and by forming a very strong cluster consisting of the mentioned countries can help to increase the role of the political power of Iran in the region. According to conducted research, the application of economic sanctions has been identified as the biggest challenges and obstacles to the application of regional policies of Iran. Placement in the security environment of Southwest Asia region and the sanctions on Iran's monetary and banking system are considered as the biggest environmental, economic and legal obstacles that require attention due to the size and the degree of influence of each.
Afsahin Mottaghi; Mosayeb Gharehbeygi
Abstract
Possibilities for improvements of water resources management exist because of Iran’s vast areas of cultivable lands, big rivers and suitable sites for construction of dams in Zagross and Alborz mountain ranges, extensive aquifers, and suitable climatic conditions for cultivation of different plants. ...
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Possibilities for improvements of water resources management exist because of Iran’s vast areas of cultivable lands, big rivers and suitable sites for construction of dams in Zagross and Alborz mountain ranges, extensive aquifers, and suitable climatic conditions for cultivation of different plants. In addition to existing exploitation of the water resources of the country, there is some capacity for physical development of up to 30 bcm of water resources for consumptive uses and up to 50 bcm for energy production, while still observing all economic, social, and environmental limitations. Cultural support for developments in water resources management includes traditions and social institutions that have adapted over time to different geographical conditions, especially in arid and semiarid regions. The best adapted of such institutions allow for effective water resource utilization. Political conditions conducive to developing water resources management include extensive citizen participation in public affairs, strengthening of the parliamentary system, creation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), support of local management, and suitable political background for developing the water and agriculture sector. Existing installations and equipment include large and small reservoir dams, extensive irrigation and drainage networks, water transmission pipelines and pumping stations, treatment plants and water reservoirs, urban water distribution networks, and other facilities. Institutional capacity includes the possibility for experienced national experts to provide consulting and construction services in order to reduce foreign exchange expenses to a considerable extent.
rouhollah asadi; Hadiye Hasan Niya Badr Abad
Abstract
Today, NGOs have increasingly become important stakeholders alongside the government in development processes. With the increase of environmental problems in its various dimensions in Iran, environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have also expanded. This article tries to provide a relatively ...
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Today, NGOs have increasingly become important stakeholders alongside the government in development processes. With the increase of environmental problems in its various dimensions in Iran, environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have also expanded. This article tries to provide a relatively comprehensive study of the problems of these institutions in the country with a descriptive-explanatory method and analyze the results with the theory of Riggs prismatic society. Data collection was by documentary and survey in the form of a questionnaire with seven dimensions and 45 items. The results show that the most problems in relation to the institutions are with the government and public institutions and then in legal, structural, and managerial dimensions. The results of factor analysis also showed that the mentioned dimensions explain the highest amount of variance of research variables. On the other hand, the mentioned problems have also created problems within the NGOs and the Binas of the NGOs who have not been able to take steps towards their goals as they should and have also become involved in their internal issues. Considering the three main features of Riggs' theory of primitive societies (heterogeneity, formalism, and functional interference) and the problems of environmental factors, it can be said that in countries with historical weakness of democratic indicators and simple and centralized political structure, NGOs are basically pleasing. There are no structures. Therefore, laws and regulations, as well as governmental and organizational structures do not provide much support for the formation, strengthening, and development of these organizations. On the other hand, when the legal structures do not have sufficient support for the activities of the institutions and there are no clear legal channels in the process of the activities of these institutions, the exercise of taste by individuals in government agencies increases.
mohammad reza hafeznia; Syrus Ahmadi Nohadani; Mehdi Noori roustayi
Abstract
Transit is a factor in the exchange and enhancement of national power in terms of bus crossing and despite its potentials and geographical parameters, it is far from the desired situation in this regard. In this research, by compiling information and data through library and field data including transit ...
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Transit is a factor in the exchange and enhancement of national power in terms of bus crossing and despite its potentials and geographical parameters, it is far from the desired situation in this regard. In this research, by compiling information and data through library and field data including transit (petroleum and non-oil) transit through road, rail, air and sea as well as comparing Iran's performance with other transit routes, it examines Iran's transit status and Its role is focused on national income as well as national power. In this regard, a questionnaire has been designed which consists of 8 variables, each of which has been analyzed and evaluated using statistical methods and spss software. According to the results of the study, it can be concluded that the use of the country's transit position will have an important role in increasing the power of control as well as guaranteeing national security. It also generates jobs and increases incomes, which is a factor of economic prosperity. Consequently, given that each of the indices and parameters discussed contributes to the increase of national power, it can be concluded that Iran can increase its national power and improve its geopolitical status by using its transit position.
Marzieh sadat Alvand; Mahdieh Heiydari
Abstract
From a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view, Iran and Saudi Arabia are competing with each other in increasing regions. This study seeks to analyze the geostrategic role of Iran in Saudi Arabia's extensive effort to strategically approach the largest emerging power in the international system. ...
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From a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view, Iran and Saudi Arabia are competing with each other in increasing regions. This study seeks to analyze the geostrategic role of Iran in Saudi Arabia's extensive effort to strategically approach the largest emerging power in the international system. The authors have tried to answer the question of what are the most important geostrategic threats of the regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in establishing a strategic alliance between Saudi Arabia and the relations of the People's Republic of China by using explanatory methods and using library and internet information gathering tools? It seems that the increase in Iran's influence in the region after the conclusion of the UN Security Council and the change in the balance of power in regional crisis in its favor, has led to the formation of geostrategic threats in Saudi Arabia and its closer proximity to China. The findings of the study using the theory of defensive neo-realism show that Saudi Arabia with a pragmatic approach is trying to establish a strategic alliance with China to curb Iran's influence and reduce its activism in the region. However, the People's Republic of China, with its strategic patience in its foreign policy and the strategic importance of Iran and Saudi Arabia in its developing economy, seeks to maintain a bilateral balance in its relations with both actors.
Hamid Doraj; Kazem Norani Benam
Abstract
Saudi officials have always considered Bahrain to be part of their national security zone and believe that any change in the governing structure of the emirate will have a decisive influence on the Saudi kingdom's structure. Saudi Arabia considers Iran's role as a political threat to its regional goals ...
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Saudi officials have always considered Bahrain to be part of their national security zone and believe that any change in the governing structure of the emirate will have a decisive influence on the Saudi kingdom's structure. Saudi Arabia considers Iran's role as a political threat to its regional goals and policies in Bahrain's political equations. As a result, the country has struggled to curtail Iran's influence in Bahrain. This research seeks to answer the main question What is Saudi Arabia's policy to control and control Iran in Bahrain? The research hypothesis is that Saudi Arabia has sought to maintain its regional allies with the aim of preventing the development of Iran's influence and power in Bahrain. Saudi Arabia's policy towards the Bahraini popular movement is to use repressive means to prevent Bahrain's internal developments from spilling over into its geographical territory. This research is shaped by the theory of aggressive realism.
Zaha Hajizadeh Ghochan Atigh; Siroos Ahmadi Nohadani; Abdolreza Farajirad; Hojat Mahkouii
Abstract
The need to interact with the global economy and realize development in the new world facilitates and accelerates national development. From 2021 to 2013, China launched a world-wide operation in the Silk Road Reconstruction Program, creating a win-win and ambitious environment in political, economic ...
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The need to interact with the global economy and realize development in the new world facilitates and accelerates national development. From 2021 to 2013, China launched a world-wide operation in the Silk Road Reconstruction Program, creating a win-win and ambitious environment in political, economic and security dimensions, with the Belt-Road Initiative. As one of the main pillars of power in the new structure of the international system, China is defining and consolidating its regional and global position. By implementing this plan, China seeks to achieve the following: increase the efficiency of internal borders, improve trade Between economic corridors, deepening trade agreements, improving access to the European market, increasing exports of products, expanding banking, financial and insurance cooperation, capital development in the field of tourism, etc.This article intends to use a descriptive-analytical method to explain and analyze the geopolitical plan of the Belt-Road Initiative between Iran and China and the great powers and to explain the effects and consequences of this plan on Iran. The information was obtained by referring to library resources, internet, interviews with experts and was explained and analyzed by content analysis method. Iran, as one of the important points in the Silk Road route and due to its special geopolitical position, has significant effects on the belt-road initiative and is affected by it. By joining the Belt-Road Initiative, Iran can turn its geographical location into a geopolitical opportunity
Abdalsaheb Naderi; Reza Tajfar; Nasrin Khaniha
Abstract
Borders and especially the development of border settlements in each country are important in different dimensions and are considered as factors of durability and consistency of each country. This is important considering the geopolitical position and geoculture of Iran and especially despite the natural ...
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Borders and especially the development of border settlements in each country are important in different dimensions and are considered as factors of durability and consistency of each country. This is important considering the geopolitical position and geoculture of Iran and especially despite the natural resources in most border provinces. Increases the geo-economic and strategic importance of these regions and emphasizes the responsibility of the Iranian government and system to reflect more and more to pay attention to comprehensive development in these provinces. For example, we can mention the provinces of Kermanshah, Ilam, Khuzestan, Bushehr, Hormozgan, etc., which include a wide area from the west to the south of the country. Ilam province, which is one of the provinces with the highest fossil energy reserves in the country, is affected by its geographical position as a deprived, underdeveloped and underdeveloped province, while one of the ways out of this province from economic crises and Lack of development, management and use of fossil fuels. In this regard, the present study has investigated and evaluated the effectiveness of the use of fossil fuels in the development of cities in Ilam province using descriptive-analytical and applied methods. The results showed that in this field, Malekshahi city with 17.16%, Dehloran city with 74.12%, Sirvan city with 3.11% and Ilam and Ivan cities each with 8.10% are among the cities that The development of fossil fuels in their area and province can have the greatest impact on the development of these cities.Keywords: Fossil energy, Development, Border provinces, Iran, Ilam province.
golmohammadi vali; Amir Hossein Vazirian
Abstract
Amidst the systematic shift in a global context and decline in the U.S hegemony in particular, the Middle East is in a transition from a post-Cold War American order to some kind of multilateral (dis)order, where has left more room for regional powers outmaneuvering in the changing regional geopolitics. ...
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Amidst the systematic shift in a global context and decline in the U.S hegemony in particular, the Middle East is in a transition from a post-Cold War American order to some kind of multilateral (dis)order, where has left more room for regional powers outmaneuvering in the changing regional geopolitics. In this context, Iran as a revolutionary and revisionist state has sought to challenge the liberal international order and maximize its regional influence by adopting an asymmetric strategy. In contrast, the U.S along with its regional allies has pursued the policy of maximum pressure in order to change the regional balance of power against Iran. However, the US containment strategy has not been able to undermine Iran's active regional role playing. The main question is what strategy has Iran used to maintain its position and power in the face of maximum pressure from the United States and its regional allies, and to have increasing influence? The hypothesis of this paper is that in the face of maximum pressure from the United States, the Islamic Republic of Iran has chosen the policy of Anti-containment as its main strategy. The policy, implemented through "asymmetric deterrence", has been implemented in three forms: the use of proxy groups, missile capability enhancement and naval deterrence. It is necessary to mention that this research will examine the research hypothesis in the form of descriptive-analytical method
Seyyed Hadi Zarghani; Maliheh Akhbari; Neda Chareie; Najmeh Mahmoudi
Abstract
Abstract Countries that are inferior to their neighbors in terms of water supply(upstream) are often passive. In particular, if they are unable to obtain the favorable agreement their neighbors (in a shared basin), they will face challenges and conflicts with them. The opposite is also true; sometimes, ...
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Abstract Countries that are inferior to their neighbors in terms of water supply(upstream) are often passive. In particular, if they are unable to obtain the favorable agreement their neighbors (in a shared basin), they will face challenges and conflicts with them. The opposite is also true; sometimes, upstream countries use this situation as a political tool to put pressure on the opponent and gain more points. This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and citing reliable sources, seeks to study and analyze Turkmenistan's hydropolitical bottlenecks in relation to its neighbors. The paper assumes that Turkmenistan's geographical location and hydropolitical situation in terms of water supply is such that the country will face major challenges with its neighbors. Findings show that Turkmenistan is in a downstream position towards most of its neighbors. This issue potentially (Iran) and actually (Afghanistan and the four Central Asian republics) will create grounds for a hydropolitical challenge for Turkmenistan in relation to its neighbors. While the impact of some variables such as climate change and drought persistence, increasing urbanization and lifestyle changes and consequently a sharp increase in water consumption and the need to produce some strategic agricultural products, will intensify the hydropolitical crisis between Turkmenistan and neighbors in the near future.
yashar zaki; Hasan Karimi; Mohamad bagher Ghalibaf; Javad Etaat
Abstract
The Mediterranean region is located on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, where considered as the prelude to the rivalry between the East and the West, the conflict between the Arab countries and Israel, and the confrontation between the developing and industrialized countries on both sides of the ...
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The Mediterranean region is located on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, where considered as the prelude to the rivalry between the East and the West, the conflict between the Arab countries and Israel, and the confrontation between the developing and industrialized countries on both sides of the sea. One of the most important geopolitical regions of the Mediterranean area is the eastern Mediterranean. Syria, Lebanon, and occupied Palestine are considered as Iran's "geopolitical core" in the eastern part of Mediterranean Sea. Iran as one of the important regional actors has paid special attention to the eastern Mediterranean Sea since 1980. The question is what effects does the eastern Mediterranean area could have on Iran's geopolitical territoriality in southwest Asia? In response, it can be said that the Eastern Mediterranean has an important place in the geopolitical realm of Iran in Southwest Asia and its leadership over the Islamic world. The findings of this study indicate that the position of the Eastern Mediterranean on the Mediterranean coast, proximity to the Straits of Gibraltar and Suez, the presence of Shiite minorities in Syria and Lebanon, the only countries close to Iran in the adoption of regional and global policies, complement Iran's geopolitics in dominating the central part of the Islamic world, the Iranian-Iraqi energy route to Europe, and Iran's embankment against Israel are important geopolitical factors that justify Iran's regional policy in the eastern Mediterranean. Therefore, it can be said that the geopolitical territorialization of Iran in the eastern Mediterranean is a realistic matter and in line with the national interests of Iran.
Hamid Dorj; Hussein Masoudnia
Abstract
Today, the Syrian crisis has become one of the most important international issues and has attracted the attention of many regional and trans-national actors. The study of the attitudes and interests of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia regarding this crisis and their attempt to formulate regional equations ...
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Today, the Syrian crisis has become one of the most important international issues and has attracted the attention of many regional and trans-national actors. The study of the attitudes and interests of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia regarding this crisis and their attempt to formulate regional equations to keep their own interests and their regional allies’, is significant. The main question of the paper is that what approach Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia take and what interests they seek from the developments in Syria? The article's hypothesis is that Iran has been supporting Bashar al-Assad in order to maintain its strategic influence in the region, especially Lebanon. On the other hand, although Turkey initially adopted a subversive approach, it was already supporting the Syrian political system because of concerns about its security and political stability as a result of developments in the Kurdish region of Syria. Saudi Arabia is also pursuing the policy of overthrowing Assad to counter the regional influence of Iran and the expansion of Salafist discourse. Qualitative analysis was used to analyze the data.
zahra akbari; Mohsen khalili; seid ahmad fateminejad
Abstract
The issue of Iran's nuclear program from 2002 to 2015, due to its political and economic consequences, has been one of the most important issues in Iranian foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution. The program involved three presidential Periods, Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani after the revolution. ...
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The issue of Iran's nuclear program from 2002 to 2015, due to its political and economic consequences, has been one of the most important issues in Iranian foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution. The program involved three presidential Periods, Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani after the revolution. The present Thesis draws on the theory of a possible agreement area, as well as using the comparative historical method to examine the nuclear program in these three presidential periods (Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani). Accordingly, the main question of this Research is why, during the two presidential and presidential events of Khatami and Ahmadinejad, the negotiations between Iran and the Western powers did not end to the comprehensive nuclear deal, but during the presidential term, Rouhani led the negotiations to a comprehensive nuclear agreement. In response to this main question, the hypothesis of this Research is that unclear strategies and tactics in two internal and external environments (Iran and the 5 + 1 group) in the three presidential years (Khatami and Ahmadinejad and Rouhani) led to two different achievements (disagreement and agreement) in Iran's nuclear program. The results of the research shows that in the era of Mohammad Khatami, the excessive flexibility of Iran believed that Western countries had little need to cope with Iran. During the Ahmadinejad era, due to his aggressive foreign policy, the opportunity was given to the United States to accompany the European Union, and even China and Russia, and pass unprecedented sanctions resolutions against Iran in the UN Security Council. But during his Hassan Rouhani period, he used the experiences of previous governments to try to moderate the path. This policy led the Iranian side to rethink its policies, which made it possible to reach a comprehensive nuclear deal.
Seyyed Shams din Sadeghi; Zeynab Sharifi; samira moradi; Hamid Reza Heshmati Jadid
Abstract
AbstractIntroduction: On of the topics in the discussied theories and schools of international relations and geopolitics is discussion of the sources of conflictand the prolongation of disputes between Stats. Because tensions and conflicts between stats and goernments have always occurred at different ...
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AbstractIntroduction: On of the topics in the discussied theories and schools of international relations and geopolitics is discussion of the sources of conflictand the prolongation of disputes between Stats. Because tensions and conflicts between stats and goernments have always occurred at different levels and dimensions, and we will see it in the future, expert and theorists of different schools of internationalrelation and geopolitics have tried in different ways to establish the roots amd factors, identify and explain international conflicts. Given that one of the theories among geopolitical theories is the model Peter Hoggets putitka accordingly, the present study, with its descriptive – analytical rejection, sought to examine the fundamental question of whether the geographical sources of tension can inter nationals between iran and Iraq be adapted to the twelve factors of the putitka? Methodology:the data collection tool in this research is library and also referring to specialized quarterly journals. discussion:according to the research findings, of the twelve factors that hogget cites as stressful geographical resources, seven of them are clearly seen in the realations between iran and Iraq. Result:According to the model presented by Hagget in this article, geopolitical factors have played a role in creating tension between iran and Iraq and eventually led to a war between them.
Hamid Dorj; Hashmatullah Falahat pishe
Abstract
Extended abstract
Introduction
The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining ...
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Extended abstract
Introduction
The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining strategic patterns from the perspective of dominating energy reserves, securing oil pipelines, countering the influence of Russia, China and Iran. Russia, on the other hand, as a serious critic of US policies will seek to gain regional supremacy in Eurasia, following the relative establishment of political stability. it will certainly be a challenge for US policies in the region. China has cultural, economic and security links with some of the Eurasian countries, establishing itself as a great power by relying on worldwide economic power. These confrontations and disagreements with Washington's unilateral policies in the Eurasia geopolitical region with the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have become a strategic triangle for the establishment of a barrier policy.
Review of Literature
The term of geopolitics, as a controversial and ambiguous word, was first introduced by the Swedish scientist "Radolf Kilen" in the 1899 and in the concept of "knowledge of the analysis of geography and politics relationship" came to contemporary political geography field. Geopolitics is the study of international relations and contrasts concerning the geographies. In other words, the influence of geographical factors such as the location, distance, and distribution of natural and human resources on international relations is a geopolitical issue (Braden & Shelley, 2000: 5).
Methodology
Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis has been used for data analysis in which the classification, evaluation, comparison and analysis of the data are done to test the research hypothesis. The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical.
Findings and Discussion
Eurasia as the Earth's Heartland is a key pillar of world domination. Indeed, specific indicators of the strategic regions of the world should be sought in this region. This is as important fact as Mackinder says: "Any power that can dominate Eurasia can control the world" (Nazemroaya & Halliday, 2012: 67 68). The United States has placed the acquisition and consolidation of world hegemony in the forefront of its determination, actions, and foreign policy responses, and at this time seeks to maintain its position by preventing the emergence of a global challenge power and even the formation of an anti-hegemonic alliance. Therefore, it seeks to prevent the creation of anti-hegemon alliances with a different mix of Iran, Russia, China, and India by infiltrating Russia's backyard, controlling China, and communicating with their neighbours. In the new conditions of the international system in which any power is met with resistance, the Eurasian region has the most potential to form an anti-hegemon axis for encountering America. Countries such as Russia, China, and Iran that are recently recognized as primarily regional powers, and some political scholars believe they have the potential to form an anti-hegemon axis in the Eurasian region. Brzezinski warned that the emergence of a Eurasian hostile coalition could challenge American supremacy. The aggressive nature of US strategy is clearly evident in Brzezinski's remarks. He identified the potential Eurasian coalition as a potential anti-hegemonic coalition or North Atlantic anti-coalition formed by the help of Iran, Russia, and China coalition, with China at its center (Brzezinski, 1998: 32). In 1999, Beijing and Moscow were well aware of what was happening as well as future events. They were also well aware of US foreign policy. China and Russia signed a good neighbourly alliance and friendly collaboration on July 24, 2001. this happened less than two months after 9/11 events. A reciprocal defense alliance was established against NATO and the US, and a military network was established around China, pushing them beyond their territorial and bilateral defense integrity (Nazemroaya, 2012: 6- 7). As well as strengthening its military structure and capability in the domestic arena based on the principle of self-reliance, Iran has also had a presence in regional coalition and mechanisms which undoubtedly, the most important of them is Iran's presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as one of the most important and comprehensive regional security mechanisms in Central Eurasia. (Karami and Kozegar Kalaji, 1393: 141).
Washington's strategy for Central Asia after 2014 is to build communications channels along infrastructure such as the Northern Distribution Network and the New Silk Road with the aim of laying the foundations for a long-term structural relationship in Central Asia for the period following its military withdrawal (Javadyarjmand & salaverzizade, 1396:281). By establishing and leading new international organizations, China and Russia are also trying to challenge US-led Western Organizations and institutions. Iran's formal accession to Tracey (Europe, Caucasus, Asia) is a major step in breaking isolationist policies against Iran as well as strengthening Iran's transit status and increasing trade volume in Iran's southern route ( Karami & Kouzegarkaleji, 1393:139). China is well aware that it is highly vulnerable to a US leadership military strike on oil resources. That is why China is expanding its naval bases, so it insists and presses repeatedly to build onshore energy corridors and oil terminals directly from Central Asia and the Russian Federation to China. China's cooperation with Iran, Russia and the Central Asian republics helps to create an inter-Asian energy path and the continued flow of energy to China may be blocked if the oversight of the high seas by the US-led navy. The debate that has been going on for years over the development of a natural gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan, India, and China is itself part of China's strategic policy (Conway & Nauman, 2011: 3).
Conclusion
Maintaining the hegemonic role of the United States in the unipolar world has been America's most important strategic goal from post-Cold War to contemporary era. The creation of military bases and various investments in large oil and gas projects in various parts of the world, including the Eurasian region, are examples of this effort to shape the new American order. This policy was carried out rapidly by the US and NATO in the early years of the 21st century without any serious opposition from the other powers. Although Brzezinski claims that until the next generation, America's standing as the world's sole power cannot be challenged by any rival power, Russia, China, and Iran, as the three most powerful and beneficiary countries in the region, has been dissatisfied with the action from Washington and NATO and the relative progress they have made over the past two decades; and they are trying to counter US and NATO policies and in turn strengthening their influence and capability in this geopolitical area. Preventing US pressure to isolate Iran, Russia, and China, gain greater maneuverability internationally in partnership with independent or dissatisfied governments, preventing NATO's influence and empowerment, investing in environmental and tourism issues, and participating in international gas and oil pipeline projects are among the most important collaborative efforts of the three countries against US hegemonic policies in Eurasia.
Nasser Yusefzehi; Hossein Farzanehpour; Ahmad Bakhshi
Abstract
Extended Abstract
Introduction
Afghanistan's tenacity in the eastern Iranian Economy has been the re-emergence of the eastern provinces in the country's foreign trade over the past one and a half decades. In the eastern economy, provinces like Sistan and Baluchistan, Kerman, South Khorasan, Razavi ...
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Extended Abstract
Introduction
Afghanistan's tenacity in the eastern Iranian Economy has been the re-emergence of the eastern provinces in the country's foreign trade over the past one and a half decades. In the eastern economy, provinces like Sistan and Baluchistan, Kerman, South Khorasan, Razavi Khorasan and North Khorasan. This research aims at to examine the position of South Khorasan in the eastern Iranian economy, by the theoretical framework of economic geography. In fact, the aim of this study is to consider the economic status of the provinces and eastern parts of Iran in the economic development and regional trade plans. Considering regional geoeconomic and geopolitical competitions in Asia and global events such as the new US sanctions, the second aim of this research is to explore the economic position of the eastern countries of Iran in economic development and regional foreign trade planning. Researchers in the fields of economics, geography and politics have not paid attention to these issues. Therefore, the main importance of the research is the attention to the significant role of South Khorasan and Afghanistan in Iran's economy, and explicating it within the framework of the new concept of the Eastern Economy. "Iran's Eastern Economy" is the new concept of this study to emphasize on the geoeconomic importance of eastern countries and provinces in the development of national economy and foreign trade of Iran. Geography of Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia are central areas of Iran's eastern economy. In this article, only Afghanistan is concerned.
The main question of this article is as follows: What are the environmental abilities of South Khorasan to expand Iran-Afghanistan economic relations? It should be said that cultural commonality and the most common border with Afghanistan, besides having border markets, proper security, and geopolitical and geostrategic status, are among the effective capabilities of the province to promote the commercial relations of the two countries. The significance of the present paper is to give an overwhelming and a transnational role to South Khorasan.
Review of Literature
Our theoretical framework is the economic geography. Economic geography is a branch of human geography that has been in place since the early twentieth century as an independent branch of geography. Subsequently, an important part of the geography was devoted to population, geography, agricultural geography, industrial geography, business geography and commerce. Scholars believe that understanding the geographic space that is influenced by human actions is mainly done through the study of economic geography, because the formation of geographic space and its consequences can be influenced by the demands for human productivity from the environment. Productivity could not be out of the reach of economic, geographical subdivisions because the subject under consideration was economic geography, forms of production, and places of consumption of all kinds of products at different levels. Therefore, most of the geographical implications of today are focused on the trades and power of different global, regional and national economic systems.
The authors of the paper have attempted to provide an overall analysis and evaluation of the content of the studies that are relevant to our discussion. A number of studies have focused on issues and micro levels of the South Khorasan economy, such as industry, markets, households, tourism, and local development. Others have focused solely on the economic capabilities of South Khorasan. The emphasis of this paper is on the transnational role and importance of the regional level of this province. Of course, the starting point for analyzing this research, like other studies, is the level of local abilities, but unlike them, it provides transnational results. Also, this research in the context of non-economic, political economy, while linking politics and economics, seeks to link these two areas with geography, security and culture.
Method
The method of analyzing the data in this paper is the causal method. In this method, the results and consequences of research data are important. Therefore, by expressing and describing the capacities of South Khorasan, they analyze their role in Iran-Afghanistan trade interactions. Afterwards, among the techniques of observation, questionnaires, interviews and data collection libraries, the recent tools such as librarianship have been used.
Results and Discussion
The main issue of this research was to study the role of the economic geography of South Khorasan on economic relations between Iran and Afghanistan. The purpose of this issue was to focus on the area of the "Eastern Regional Economy". Current and recent events in the region and the world indicate the instability of Iran's relations with the West, especially the United States. The focus of government officials on expanding and resuming relations with Western countries failed to do the expectations of the Iranian people. The dominance of the Western approach on the Eastern economics of Iran's foreign policy has a variety of reasons, including the weight of Western countries. This is important because, in some respects, the economic and political relations of the Eastern countries, including Afghanistan (at the present time) with Iran, are somehow influenced by the anti-Iranian American discourse.
According to the findings of this study, the Eastern Territory (Afghanistan and South Khorasan) can be useful in facilitating and deepening the country's regional interactions. The territory of the East (Afghanistan and South Khorasan) can be fruitful in facilitating and deepening the regional interactions of the country. Although Kabul-Tehran's economic relations are heavily influenced by the US-sponsored and US-backed discourse against Iran, inevitably Import of goods from Iran is particularly fueled for the country (Afghanistan), due to lack of proper manufacturing infrastructure, as well as increased demand for its consumer market and the existence of geographic, cultural, and convergent factors. What can make this link more robust is the role of eastern provinces, such as South Khorasan.
The political, cultural, security and geographic location of the South Khorasan is a good basis for attracting more investment from foreign countries, especially Afghanistan. The expansion of Afghan investment of 2013 So far is promising the brilliant future of this province in the economic interactions of the two countries. This is important in relation to the role of the other eastern provinces, Khorasan Razavi and Sistan and Baluchistan, in increasing the export of Iranian goods to Afghanistan.
Conclusion
To the same extent as the South Khorasan plays an important role in the relations between Iran and Afghanistan, it equally affects the process. The boost in exports to Afghanistan, in particular, the country's first target market for goods in South Khorasan, has resulted in increased revenues from the province, including taxes and customs duties. Therefore, the increase in trade between the two countries will mean the growth of southern Khorasan in the long run. On the other hand, the impact of the economic development of this province on improving the economic interactions between Iran and Afghanistan is undeniable. To achieve these goals, it is proposed that special attention be paid to eastern provinces such as South Khorasan, Sistan and Baluchistan in domestic and foreign policy making of Iran. The Iranian government should strive to expand the exchanges and rail lines of the eastern provinces with the western provinces of Afghanistan. The view of securitization to these provinces must be reduced and the economic view replaced. With economic investment in the eastern provinces, dependence of neighboring countries in the east of Iran will increase.
Mohsen Janparvar; Reyhaneh Salehabadi; zakiye Naderi Chenar
Abstract
Extended abstract
Introduction
Afghanistan is one of the neighbors that Iran can exert a great deal of influence through the use of culture and higher education. Afghanistan is Iran's cultural backyard. The linguistic, cultural and historical commonalities are so intertwined that no one can ...
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Extended abstract
Introduction
Afghanistan is one of the neighbors that Iran can exert a great deal of influence through the use of culture and higher education. Afghanistan is Iran's cultural backyard. The linguistic, cultural and historical commonalities are so intertwined that no one can fill Iran's cultural vacancy in Afghanistan. Most of Afghanistan's textbooks are in Persian. Many scientific resources used by Afghan students have been published in Iran. There is a curious desire among Afghan students to attend higher education institutions and Iranian universities. Afghan families' tendency to use Iranian radio and television products, despite the emergence of dozens of colorful radio and television broadcasters, mainly broadcasting Western or Indian films, etc. all show the importance of the cultural sphere in the relations between the two countries. Unfortunately, despite this tendency, there are many shortcomings in the field of Iranian cultural activity in Afghanistan. If Iran wants to have security, political, economic and other influence in Afghanistan, then it must pay more attention to culture and education, because Iran's relative advantage is to have a more effective presence in Afghanistan than other competitors.
Review of Literature
Education is recognized as a source of soft power that enhances productivity and the quality of the university; separates international students; and most importantly establishes relationships and collaborates between internal and external researchers. Therefore, it can be used as a tool for creating national goodwill .Soft power in higher education consists of three dimensions of values, resources and tools. Thus, soft power through higher education can be used to link the values of the host country with international students to achieve the goals appropriate to a country's policies. Interestingly, the process of internationalization in higher education can be regarded as one of the most important and key tools in soft power. This process has helped to understand the dimensions and application of soft power internationally. It looks at higher education from the four perspectives of activity, competence, ethics and process. The prospects for these activities have a cultural dimension, including the presence of international students and academics exchanges between universities. Holmes and Rumbley (2015) argue that soft power, along with public diplomacy and national security, is politically motivated, while higher education enhances the capacities available in this type of power. Improvement in the quality of higher education, the accreditation and categorization of national higher education institutions and the progress in human resource development can be motivated by social and cultural incentives to resolve global disputes, as well as to create global citizenship in order to create understanding.
Method
The present study is a descriptive-analytical one. The information required in this study is gathered (libraries and retrieval) using sources and articles on the Internet and scientific reports.
Findings and Discussion
The starting point for the two countries' engagement in 2001 is the establishment of the Afghanistan Reconstruction Partnership. Subsequently, the Afghanistan Educational and Scientific Reconstruction Staff was also formed at the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology in 2002, which was directly affected the visit of Afghan Minister of Higher Education Faegh Sharif of Tehran and the signing the Academic-Educational Memorandum. Also, in 2003 President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's visit to Kabul as the first foreign leader expressed Iran's satisfaction and acceptance with the transitional government, which strengthened relations between the two countries. Following this trip, the first Joint Cooperation Commission of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan was formed in 2004 and its second meeting was held in 2006. In particular, a bilateral cooperation agreement was signed between Herat Province and Khorasan Razavi Province in 2005. In 2007, due to the growing insecurity in southern Afghanistan, a security agreement was signed between Iran and Afghanistan and in 2008 a joint statement was issued at the level of the vice presidents between Afghanistan and Iran. Also in 2010, after the new Afghan presidential election, a trilateral Iran-Pakistan- Afghanistan meeting was held in Islamabad and the third meeting of the Iran-Afghanistan Joint Cooperation Commission. The first meeting of the Commission on Defense Cooperation between Iran and Afghanistan was held in 2011 and the trilateral meeting of Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan was held in Trahan. The fourth joint Iran-Afghanistan Cooperation Summit was recently held in 2012, during the Governor of Balkh traveled to Khorasan Razavi. In view of the above, it can be conclude that the establishment of scientific-educational partnerships between the universities of Iran and Afghanistan within the framework of political relations between the two countries is subject to the mutual agreement of the parties to establish interactions and general relations between the two countries. This agreement is completely dependent on the political situation of the countries and the region. Prior to 2001, due to the severe political conflicts in Afghanistan, no interaction between the two countries was possible. Therefore, from a top-down and linear perspective, the political factor can be considered as an effective factor in determining the relationship between the two countries, especially between academia.
Conclusion
Based on the mutual agreements of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad with Afghan universities, the level of cooperation has exceeded the level of teacher-student exchange and has been enhanced to a high level of transboundary higher education, namely the establishment of a postgraduate course and the establishment of a university. However, the political and diplomatic relations of the two countries have been affected many of the provisions of the treaties and the parties' unwillingness to cooperate; these have led to the conclusion of contracts and the interruption or suspension of relations has led to the suspension of inter-university cooperation and the unwillingness of the parties. Despite the high capacities and potentials available for greater and better utilization, and on the other hand, the high demands of the Afghan citizens to exploit, these have not been properly utilized.
Narges Vazin; Hossein Mokhtari Hashi; Mahdi Setayesh Manesh
Abstract
Extended abstract
Introduction
National power is a set of potential and actual capabilities of a country that is used to achieve national interests. Increasing national power is one of the most important goals of countries and efforts are always made to achieve it. National power plays an ...
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Extended abstract
Introduction
National power is a set of potential and actual capabilities of a country that is used to achieve national interests. Increasing national power is one of the most important goals of countries and efforts are always made to achieve it. National power plays an important role in the geopolitical weight of countries, which determines their position in the international system. Tourism can strengthen national power by strengthening the soft aspects of national power. This is why countries focus on tourism to achieve this goal. Iran is considered one of the ten largest countries in the world in terms of various historical, religious and natural tourist attractions, and it can use this opportunity to strengthen its national power. The present study aims to explain the importance and impact of tourism on national power components in Iran.
Review of Literature
National power has various origins and foundations that produce national power in a collective function. Economic, political, military, social, geographical and scientific factors are some of the main factors shaping the national power of countries. The impact of tourism on the economy is one of the direct and indirect methods of per capita income, as well as government revenues and increasing employment opportunities. Tourism also contributes to a fair distribution of income and directs money from the rich and middle classes to the poor, and can have a significant impact on improving the economies of less developed countries. Politically, tourism often helps increase political stability. With the increase in social interactions resulting from tourism, peace and understanding among nations will increase and in fact tourism is a tool of public diplomacy. Tourism can provide a positive and unmediated mental image of countries. Another effect of tourism is increasing security in the community. Socially and culturally, tourism helps to strengthen local values, traditions and culture, and also renews some customs and traditions. Tourism helps to raise public awareness and learn more about other cultures. Tourism protects historical monuments and buildings.
Methodology
A descriptive-analytical and survey research method was used in this study. The study subjects consists of 40 elites and academic specialists. Field research methods (5 pint likert scales questionnaire) were used for data collection purposes. The reliability of questionnaire with score of 0.7 confirmed. The collected data were analysed using SPSS software and GLM repeated measures analysis of variance test and one- sample t-test.
Findings and Discussion
Regarding the impact of tourism on national power dimensions, the one-sample T-test with an average value (3) indicated the mean values of 4, 3.85, and 3.91 for the economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions respectively. It was statistically significant at the alpha level of 0.05, indicating the impact of tourism on the national power of Iran. Regarding the impact of tourism on national power factors, the one-sample t-test showed that all factors of three economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions had mean values higher than average, and it was statistically significant at the alpha level of 0.05. Therefore, it can be concluded that tourism can strengthen the national power of Iran in all three economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions.
Conclusion
Today, the importance of tourism has attracted the attention of governments and nations, and countries are trying to develop tourism by adapting their national structures to these activities, not only to introduce their culture, country, land, nation, history and national identity to the world, but also they have good economic interests and a special place in the international trade of the tourism industry. Given the numerous and diverse capabilities and opportunities in the field of tourism that Iran has, the present study has explained the importance and the role of tourism in strengthening the national power of the country. The results of this study show that the development of tourism is effective in strengthening the national power of the country in macroeconomic, political and socio-cultural dimensions. Among these dimensions, tourism has the greatest impact on the economic dimension by strengthening the components of "increasing national income" and "strengthening the private sector." The overall results showed that tourism development both strengthens and develops the country's economic by increasing income, production, job creation, strengthening the private sector, trade development, increasing justice, strengthening domestic and foreign policy, increasing welfare, education, increasing national cohesion and solidarity and simultaneous cultural exchanges at the national and international levels, as well as it strengthens the country's domestic and foreign policies, and ultimately, strengthens the national power, the country's geopolitical position at the regional and global levels. Along with the above results, the following suggestions are provided:
To increase the awareness of legislators, policymakers and planners of the country with the position of tourism in strengthening national power;
To develop an integrated policy and planning system between policy makers and tourism planning agencies;
To create expert interactions between the foreign policy apparatus and policy makers and executives of the country's tourism industry;
To familiarize diplomats and experts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the capabilities and potentials of tourism;
To expand relations with international tourism-related organizations such as the United Nations World Tourism Organization, the World Travel and Tourism Council, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.
Mohsen Khalili
morad kavianirad; yadollah azarkhah; abdolmahdi shaykhiyani
Abstract
1. Introduction
From cultural and land point of view, national heterogeneity is the characteristic of many countries. So that the vast majority of countries are facing regionalism based on their width and number of population which sometimes they challenge the legitimacy of the government. Because of ...
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1. Introduction
From cultural and land point of view, national heterogeneity is the characteristic of many countries. So that the vast majority of countries are facing regionalism based on their width and number of population which sometimes they challenge the legitimacy of the government. Because of its special geographical situation, Iran has been the dwelling of people with various language and ethnicity during its the history. For this reason, the interaction among these groups of various cultures and identities has created a multiple culture. It is also is influenced by political and thought changes of Indian subcontinents and the crisis situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan so that there have been some regionalism cases which finally resulted in terror activities and security challenges in Sistan and Baluchestan in the recent decade. Baluchstan region as a part of Sistan and Baluchistan province has faced a series of regionalism in the recent decade due to the following reasons: its religion distinction, its geographical distance from the central government, its neighborhood with the two poor and war torn countries Afghanistan and Pakistan, its neighborhood with the main center of opium planting in the world, its location in the main path of trafficking narcotic substances, the ethnic integrity of Baluchs in three countries which are Iran, Afghanistan, and Baluchistan which have spread interactions, its poverty and economic deprivation compared with other regions of the country, its tribal format, natural difficulties and the activity of terrorist ideological groups.
2. Theoretical Framework
The residents of various geographical regions are influenced by various geographical scales (local, national, regional, global, and geographical) due to the development of technologies, media, the increasing of people’s knowledge and access to the required infrastructures. These mutual influences between regions and people have challenged the ability of governments to manage the national and land integrity of the country. So, political geography tried to explain the mentioned impacts on national and land integrity under the framework of regionalism. Undoubtedly, the emergence of regionalism is rooted in the areas which have been influenced by local-global geographical scales. Therefore, analysis of regionalism phenomenon requires finding out the consequences of geographical scales on the development of regionalism phenomenon.
3. Methodology
This research is typically an applied one and its methodology is descriptive and analytic. The researcher tried to find out and explain the impact of geographical scales on the formation of regionalism phenomenon in South East of Iran and tried to present a true and ideal analysis of regionalism phenomenon in this area through gathering and studying data in the library, internet data bases, and through conducting interviews.
4. Findings and Discussion
The results of the research showed that regionalism formation in Baluchistan is affected by various geographical scales which have played a role in the formation of this phenomenon in this region. So, the following reasons have caused religious regionalism formation in this part of the country in different scales: ideological and financial supports of neighboring countries through media tools, some restrictions on full political and social participation, inefficiency of distribution system, contradiction of regional identity interests, the distance, and religion heterogeneity.
Keyword: Geographical scale, Region, Regionalism, Iran, Baluchistan
Seyed Hadi Zarghani; Ebrahim Ahmadi
Abstract
1- INTRODUCTION
Geopolitical code is considered as a set of political – geographical presumptions related to infrastructure of foreign policy of a country, so that any country has its various and exclusive codes and usually operationalizes these codes based on geopolitical weight and nature of ...
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1- INTRODUCTION
Geopolitical code is considered as a set of political – geographical presumptions related to infrastructure of foreign policy of a country, so that any country has its various and exclusive codes and usually operationalizes these codes based on geopolitical weight and nature of its goals and exploits them. Supposed Iraqi codes in this paper are investigated based on mentality of Ba'ath government of Saddam rather than main goal of Iraqi state to attack Iran. Most considered Iran-Iraq war as the result of Saddam greed in Algerian treaty, but it seems border disputes on Arvand is not the only factor of conflict. Occurring revolution in Iran made condition that Saddam convinced others to accept his desired picture of Iranian revolution with the help of some western power and Arabian countries. So, using this excuse he can accompany Arabs with himself through stimulating nationalism sense of them. In fact, main goal of Saddam in attack Iran was to meet goals like being first regional power, seizing energy sources of khouzestan, entering to Persian Gulf through hegemony on Arvand (overcoming Iraqi geopolitical dilemmas). Mentioned cases are assessable in the frame of intended geopolitical codes of Saddam.
2- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Geopolitical codes are operational agenda of foreign policy of a country - beyond its borders- that assesses geographical places. In geopolitical codes, a country determines its behavior towards the world – thereby, it considers five following issues:
1. Who are our potential and present allies?
2. Who are our potential and present enemies?
3. How we can keep our allies and make potential allies?
4. How we can confront with present and newfound enemies?
5. How we justify 4 above issues to our society and global society.
Geopolitical codes of any country are specifically for that country and they try to affect geopolitical codes of others to meet their interests and goals. In this regard, today redisplay (geopolitical depiction) under title of a geopolitical code is one of the powerful tools to reasonably manifest actions of foreign policy of governments. Thereby, geopolitics of display as an entity of a geopolitical code indicates enemy needs justifications (redisplays) to begin a war. In this case, enemies are displayed as wild or evil and their policies are manifested unreasonably. It means that they do not appreciate value of their political situation and the war is the only way to control “their unbridled” forms. It seems, it is necessary to identify geopolitical codes, since they act as a logical and justified base for actions of foreign policy.
3- METHODOLOGY
This research is based on descriptive – analytical in terms of nature and method. Information has been gathered in attributive method, referring to valid sources. Main question of this research is how we can assess the role of geopolitical codes of Iraq in attack Iran? Assumption of research is that questioned geopolitical codes by Saddam (as he intended) were one of the main reasons for Iraq and Ba'ath party to attack Iran. In this paper, first, codes of Iraq attack that have been operationalized by frightening from Iranian revolution (prerequisite of codes) indicate 3 main goals of Saddam, namely, being the first regional power, achieving energy sources of khouzestan, and entering to Persian Gulf through hegemony on Arvand (overcome on geopolitical dilemmas of Iraq).
4- RESULTS & DISCUSSION
Although disputes on Arvand is considered as the only factor of Iran-Iraq war, real geopolitical codes of Saddam to justify war were beyond them (1975 Algerian Agreement). Indeed, cases like geopolitical dilemmas of Iraq in access to sea (Persian Gulf) through absolute hegemony on Arvand, access to oil regions of south ( khouzestan ), being Umm al-Qura of Arabian world and the first regional power can be considered as the main goals of Saddam (his geopolitical codes) rather than excuse of 1975 Algerian Agreement. Many of observers believes that decision of Saddam Hussein was his personal calculative mistake based on ambition and feeling of vulnerability. Perhaps, it can be said, one of the reasons of misunderstandings of Saddam was his idealistic, myopic and deviated attitude in regard to policy of the region and the world. He did not know political realities and so, acted based on his ideals and ambitions (his mental presumptions) and finally, he was led toward false calculations and significant mistakes due to nature of his decision making. So, Saddam presumption on Iranian condition (domestic anarchy, collapse of army and weakness of military forces, international sanctions) was never occurred because it was dreams of Ba'ath party, Saddam and Arabian kings, rather than product of collective wisdom and correct interpretation of geography and geopolitical condition of Iran.
