farzad soltani; Ebrahim Zarghami; Mehdi Javdani
Abstract
استراتژی دریایی یکی از مهمترین ابعاد استراتژی ملی قدرت‌های بزرگ به حساب می‌آید. این مساله اگرچه با تحول ماهوی قدرت در سیاست جهانی، اهمیتی را که آلفرد ماهان در «تاثیر ...
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استراتژی دریایی یکی از مهمترین ابعاد استراتژی ملی قدرت‌های بزرگ به حساب می‌آید. این مساله اگرچه با تحول ماهوی قدرت در سیاست جهانی، اهمیتی را که آلفرد ماهان در «تاثیر و نفوذ قدرت دریایی در تاریخ» مطرح کرده بود را از دست داده است اما در دو دهه اخیر مجددا به عرصه رقابت ژئوپلیتیک قدرت‌های بزرگ بازگشته است. در این میان، اقیانوس هند و شکل گیری ائتلاف بندی‌های جدیدی مانند کواد و آکوس در آن را میتوان نقطه عزیمت جدیدی در بازی قدرت‌های جهانی دانست. در این راستا، این مقاله به این سوال اصلی پرداخته است که اقیانوس هند چه جایگاهی در معادلات ژئوپلیتیک قدرت‌های دریایی با تاکید بر گروه بندی‌های کواد و آکوس دارد؟ یافتههای این پژوهش که به روش توصیفی- تحلیلی صورت گرفته نشان دهنده انتقال تدریجی مرکز ثقل اقتصاد و سیاست جهانی از اقیانوس اطلس به اقیانوس هند-آرام است که در پرتو ائتلاف بندی‌های نظامی و امنیتی جدید به تشدید رقابت و تنش میان قدرت‌های بزرگ دریایی منجر خواهد شد.
Danyal Rezapoor; Reza Simbar; Ahmad Jansiz
Abstract
With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European ...
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With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European Union to the East was aimed at limiting the regional influence of Russia and China. As a result, Ukraine and the South Sea of China have also led to a conflict zone between Russia, China and Western actors over regional influence and even a factor in the disagreement between the United States and the European Union, which is the basis for intensifying tensions and increasing Uncertainty has been created in the Greater Eurasia region. By stating this introduction, the authors suggest that their main question is that the tensions and geopolitical disputes between the United States, the European Union and Russia over the Ukrainian crisis, and the US-China differences with China in the South China Sea and the failure of the European Union with hegemony On the multilateral relations of these countries? The hypothesis of the article is that the disagreements and tensions between the European Union, the United States, Russia and the hegemonic demands in the Ukrainian crisis, the intensification of US-China divisions, and the political, economic cooperation of the EU with the two countries Russia and China, while weakening the European Union's security relations with the United States, have provided the ground for transition from a monopoly to a multi-polar system. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting library and virtual information
golmohammadi vali; Amir Hossein Vazirian
Abstract
Amidst the systematic shift in a global context and decline in the U.S hegemony in particular, the Middle East is in a transition from a post-Cold War American order to some kind of multilateral (dis)order, where has left more room for regional powers outmaneuvering in the changing regional geopolitics. ...
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Amidst the systematic shift in a global context and decline in the U.S hegemony in particular, the Middle East is in a transition from a post-Cold War American order to some kind of multilateral (dis)order, where has left more room for regional powers outmaneuvering in the changing regional geopolitics. In this context, Iran as a revolutionary and revisionist state has sought to challenge the liberal international order and maximize its regional influence by adopting an asymmetric strategy. In contrast, the U.S along with its regional allies has pursued the policy of maximum pressure in order to change the regional balance of power against Iran. However, the US containment strategy has not been able to undermine Iran's active regional role playing. The main question is what strategy has Iran used to maintain its position and power in the face of maximum pressure from the United States and its regional allies, and to have increasing influence? The hypothesis of this paper is that in the face of maximum pressure from the United States, the Islamic Republic of Iran has chosen the policy of Anti-containment as its main strategy. The policy, implemented through "asymmetric deterrence", has been implemented in three forms: the use of proxy groups, missile capability enhancement and naval deterrence. It is necessary to mention that this research will examine the research hypothesis in the form of descriptive-analytical method
Hamid Dorj; Hashmatullah Falahat pishe
Abstract
Extended abstract
Introduction
The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining ...
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Extended abstract
Introduction
The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining strategic patterns from the perspective of dominating energy reserves, securing oil pipelines, countering the influence of Russia, China and Iran. Russia, on the other hand, as a serious critic of US policies will seek to gain regional supremacy in Eurasia, following the relative establishment of political stability. it will certainly be a challenge for US policies in the region. China has cultural, economic and security links with some of the Eurasian countries, establishing itself as a great power by relying on worldwide economic power. These confrontations and disagreements with Washington's unilateral policies in the Eurasia geopolitical region with the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have become a strategic triangle for the establishment of a barrier policy.
Review of Literature
The term of geopolitics, as a controversial and ambiguous word, was first introduced by the Swedish scientist "Radolf Kilen" in the 1899 and in the concept of "knowledge of the analysis of geography and politics relationship" came to contemporary political geography field. Geopolitics is the study of international relations and contrasts concerning the geographies. In other words, the influence of geographical factors such as the location, distance, and distribution of natural and human resources on international relations is a geopolitical issue (Braden & Shelley, 2000: 5).
Methodology
Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis has been used for data analysis in which the classification, evaluation, comparison and analysis of the data are done to test the research hypothesis. The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical.
Findings and Discussion
Eurasia as the Earth's Heartland is a key pillar of world domination. Indeed, specific indicators of the strategic regions of the world should be sought in this region. This is as important fact as Mackinder says: "Any power that can dominate Eurasia can control the world" (Nazemroaya & Halliday, 2012: 67 68). The United States has placed the acquisition and consolidation of world hegemony in the forefront of its determination, actions, and foreign policy responses, and at this time seeks to maintain its position by preventing the emergence of a global challenge power and even the formation of an anti-hegemonic alliance. Therefore, it seeks to prevent the creation of anti-hegemon alliances with a different mix of Iran, Russia, China, and India by infiltrating Russia's backyard, controlling China, and communicating with their neighbours. In the new conditions of the international system in which any power is met with resistance, the Eurasian region has the most potential to form an anti-hegemon axis for encountering America. Countries such as Russia, China, and Iran that are recently recognized as primarily regional powers, and some political scholars believe they have the potential to form an anti-hegemon axis in the Eurasian region. Brzezinski warned that the emergence of a Eurasian hostile coalition could challenge American supremacy. The aggressive nature of US strategy is clearly evident in Brzezinski's remarks. He identified the potential Eurasian coalition as a potential anti-hegemonic coalition or North Atlantic anti-coalition formed by the help of Iran, Russia, and China coalition, with China at its center (Brzezinski, 1998: 32). In 1999, Beijing and Moscow were well aware of what was happening as well as future events. They were also well aware of US foreign policy. China and Russia signed a good neighbourly alliance and friendly collaboration on July 24, 2001. this happened less than two months after 9/11 events. A reciprocal defense alliance was established against NATO and the US, and a military network was established around China, pushing them beyond their territorial and bilateral defense integrity (Nazemroaya, 2012: 6- 7). As well as strengthening its military structure and capability in the domestic arena based on the principle of self-reliance, Iran has also had a presence in regional coalition and mechanisms which undoubtedly, the most important of them is Iran's presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as one of the most important and comprehensive regional security mechanisms in Central Eurasia. (Karami and Kozegar Kalaji, 1393: 141).
Washington's strategy for Central Asia after 2014 is to build communications channels along infrastructure such as the Northern Distribution Network and the New Silk Road with the aim of laying the foundations for a long-term structural relationship in Central Asia for the period following its military withdrawal (Javadyarjmand & salaverzizade, 1396:281). By establishing and leading new international organizations, China and Russia are also trying to challenge US-led Western Organizations and institutions. Iran's formal accession to Tracey (Europe, Caucasus, Asia) is a major step in breaking isolationist policies against Iran as well as strengthening Iran's transit status and increasing trade volume in Iran's southern route ( Karami & Kouzegarkaleji, 1393:139). China is well aware that it is highly vulnerable to a US leadership military strike on oil resources. That is why China is expanding its naval bases, so it insists and presses repeatedly to build onshore energy corridors and oil terminals directly from Central Asia and the Russian Federation to China. China's cooperation with Iran, Russia and the Central Asian republics helps to create an inter-Asian energy path and the continued flow of energy to China may be blocked if the oversight of the high seas by the US-led navy. The debate that has been going on for years over the development of a natural gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan, India, and China is itself part of China's strategic policy (Conway & Nauman, 2011: 3).
Conclusion
Maintaining the hegemonic role of the United States in the unipolar world has been America's most important strategic goal from post-Cold War to contemporary era. The creation of military bases and various investments in large oil and gas projects in various parts of the world, including the Eurasian region, are examples of this effort to shape the new American order. This policy was carried out rapidly by the US and NATO in the early years of the 21st century without any serious opposition from the other powers. Although Brzezinski claims that until the next generation, America's standing as the world's sole power cannot be challenged by any rival power, Russia, China, and Iran, as the three most powerful and beneficiary countries in the region, has been dissatisfied with the action from Washington and NATO and the relative progress they have made over the past two decades; and they are trying to counter US and NATO policies and in turn strengthening their influence and capability in this geopolitical area. Preventing US pressure to isolate Iran, Russia, and China, gain greater maneuverability internationally in partnership with independent or dissatisfied governments, preventing NATO's influence and empowerment, investing in environmental and tourism issues, and participating in international gas and oil pipeline projects are among the most important collaborative efforts of the three countries against US hegemonic policies in Eurasia.
