Esmeil Alamdar; Elahe Koolaee
Abstract
The countries of Iran and Russia have been two important hubs on the two sides of the Caspian Sea, located in the regions of Hartland and the Rimland. The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of these countries to other countries in the region has led to a dynamic role in the political equations ...
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The countries of Iran and Russia have been two important hubs on the two sides of the Caspian Sea, located in the regions of Hartland and the Rimland. The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of these countries to other countries in the region has led to a dynamic role in the political equations of Central Asia and the Caucasus. Since today power and geopolitical weight in international relations has become more and more important, Russia is regarded as a global power and Iran as a regional power, the two countries have always apply this factor of power in their policies. The realism theory of Hans Morgenthau, which emphasizes the balance of power and the role of power factor, is a proof of this claim. Geopolitics is the study of the interaction of geography, power and politics, and the actions they bring together. The most common boundary between geopolitical knowledge and international relations can be found in the theory of realism. Morgentha, as one of the theorists of international relations, believed that international politics was governed by universal and objective laws based on national and national interests, and not on the psychological drivers of decision-makers. Based on this theory, statesmen think and act within the framework of their own interests defined as power. The research methodology is descriptive-analytic. First, the required information was collected using library method and by referring to authoritative sources, books and articles. Then, a geopolitical analysis of the relations between Russia and Iran after the Islamic Revolution was discussed on the basis of Morgenth's theory. This research tries to answer the research question; is the doctrine of Russia's powers of power and hegemony changed before the collapse and seeking global peace and security? Or is it seeking national interests and the expansion of vital space through close relations with Iran in regional and global affairs? During the post-revolution period, relations between Iran and Russia in general and in the past decades, in particular, have not reached a strategic level because of the wrong believes of the Russian scholars and government towards Iran and, conversely, the wrong believes civil society and people of Iran towards Russia. Relations between the two countries have developed in the post-Islamic revolution in various fields. Iran and Russia pursue national goals and unique geopolitical codes in their foreign policy, and regulate all their regional and global movements based on this geopolitical compass. Russia is trying to maintain and extend its national interests with Iranian support in the region of Southwest Asia and Central Asia and the Caucasus. On the other hand, Iran has, more than ever, been cooperating with the Russians over the past decade due to establishing a common point with Russia in pursuit of its ideological and national security strategies. From the point of view of analyzes based on the realist approach in international relations, the close proximity of political relations between the two countries can be interpreted in the need for a balance of power or a common threat from the United States. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran is trying to maintain its regional strength against Saudi Arabia and Turkey in the southwest of Asia. The convergence of common goals in regional issues between Iran and Russia has made the two countries more closely aligned with each other. Although Russia has had a double cooperation with Iran to fight ISIS and to prevent the influence of this Takfiri terrorist group on its borders and geostrategic territories (which are considered as geopolitical interests), its main goal to expand its hegemony globally and rival NATO and leave it out of the geostrategic bottleneck in the world make Russia to work together with Iran in various ways. From the analysis of various aspects of Iran-Russia foreign relations can conclude that the Russian federative republic is a tactical ally and can be regarded as an ugly attitude in the field of foreign relations. Russia pursues its own interests, regardless of Iran's interests.
Esmeil Alamdar; mohammad reza hafeznia; zahra ahmadypour; Syrus Ahmadi Nohadani
Abstract
Geopolitical knowledge, as a branch of political geography, deals with the interrelationship between geography and politics in the light of the power component. One of the basic concepts of this knowledge is the concept of geopolitical interests, which have a special place in geopolitics and international ...
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Geopolitical knowledge, as a branch of political geography, deals with the interrelationship between geography and politics in the light of the power component. One of the basic concepts of this knowledge is the concept of geopolitical interests, which have a special place in geopolitics and international relations. has it. By identifying the influential components of this concept and the extent of their effectiveness, foreign relations between countries can be analyzed more accurately. This research is descriptive in nature and method and applied in terms of purpose. Data collection has been done through library and field studies. The validity of the questionnaire with CVR and its reliability based on Cronbach's alpha and data analysis were used by T-Test and Friedman test was used to prioritize the components. In order to examine the geopolitical interests of countries in detail in Foreign relations, these interests are divided into 8 components: political, geographical, geoeconomic, geoculture, geostrategic, ecological, cyberspace and scientific-technological. Findings showed that the study of variables of components of geopolitical interests in foreign relations with countries confirms that from the perspective of respondents in terms of frequency distribution tables of all variables with an average score of more than 3 are desirable. Also in testing the hypothesis of component variables The eight's were approved. The results show that the geographical components are in the first rank and the scientific and geoeconomic components are in the next ranks. On the other hand, the geocultural and ecological components are in the last ranks. This indicates that the value and geographical and territorial factors are at the forefront of the demands and tendencies of countries in foreign relations.
Mohammad Hossein Afshordi; Esmeil Alamdar
Abstract
Extended abstract
Introduction
West and Southwest Asia are the most turbulent geopolitical regions of the world. Over the past half century, this region has been the area of competition and the interests of major global and regional powers. Because of the special geopolitical situation in the western ...
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Extended abstract
Introduction
West and Southwest Asia are the most turbulent geopolitical regions of the world. Over the past half century, this region has been the area of competition and the interests of major global and regional powers. Because of the special geopolitical situation in the western part of Syria, the country has become an area of rivalry of powers. The Syrian crisis is different from other crises in the region in terms of gender, causes and outcomes, and the geopolitical factor plays an important role. However, recognizing the geopolitical interests of each of the actors is a key interfere.
Theoretical Framework
Geopolitics is the study of the interactions between geography, power and politics, and the actions arising from the combination of these elements with each other. Geopolitics presents a large picture and proposes a method for linking local and regional developments with the system and the global system as a whole. One of the basic concepts in geopolitics is geopolitical interest, which is supposed geographical and supra-geographical supplements across borders, which are structurally and functionally homogeneous to meet the needs and shortcomings of a country. Geopolitical interest somehow forms the basis of national interests and profits of countries. In geopolitical crises, interventionist countries seek their own national interests, which can be analyzed in the framework of the theory of balance of power. In other words, such countries in a critical geopolitical region are looking for their geopolitical interests based on their national interests; these variables can be analyzed in the framework of the theory of balance of power.
Method
The method used in this research is based on the descriptive-analytic approach and is a type of applied-development research. Regarding the nature and type of subject matter of the study, the collection of data and information has been carried out in a variety of ways and in general based on the library method and has been used from internal and external sources in this field. This research tries to explore the geopolitical interests of the most important actors in the above-mentioned levels in the form of a multi-level model with a descriptive-analytical method.
Results and Discussion
The geopolitical interests of Iran as the most important regional actor are maintaining and expanding the circle of resistance and expanding its geopolitical area in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine, destroying the terrorist groups and cutting off their ties with the West-Arab-Turkish axis and defending the Shi'ite ideology. In contrast, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Israel, with the USA support, are also seeking to reduce the geopolitical and the geostrategic role of Iran and disassociate these resistance movements and their destruction. In addition, on the regional level, Turkey has a dynamic and complex position in its active presence in the West Asia and Syria. However, this instability in the regional policy of Turkey has made a confusion for its geopolitical interests. This has not made Turkey a success in pursuing its other geopolitical interests except for the hydrophilic Forat. Meanwhile, at a global level investigating this geopolitical crisis, Russia seeks to have a naval base and its hegemony overcome in West Asia, and on the other hand, the United States seeks to maintain its own interests in the Middle East and compensate for unsuccessful experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan. Since each of them seeks to increase their global hegemony and expand their perspectives, their geopolitical interests are not close to the Syrian issue.
Conclusion
In the Syrian geopolitical crisis, the most important foreign actors on the regional level are Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, and Russia and the United States on the global level. These countries, while having common interests, have their own geopolitical interests. Iran, as one of the most important foreign actors, in addition to its ideological goals in Syria, has sought to achieve such interests as placing the Zionist regime in a geostrategic bottleneck and expanding the area of power of the ring of resistance with the help of Syria, Hamas and Hezbollah in Lebanon. In the end, two points can be acknowledged: firstly, the main source of insecurity in the West and Southwest Asia is the Zionist regime, which, with its unshakable support, is trying to get rid of the geostrategic bottleneck and seeks to eliminate the flow of resistance with the support of the Western-Arab Front. Second, the issue of the Syrian geopolitical crisis, more than any other period in the history of the relations between Iran and Russia, brings together the geopolitical interests of the two countries and directs the two countries from a tactical alliance to a strategic alliance.
